Features & Analysis Archives - Committee to Protect Journalists Defending Journalists Worldwide. 2024-07-01T14:27:26Z https://cpj.org/feed/atom/ WordPress Doja Daoud <![CDATA[Arrests of Palestinian journalists since start of Israel-Gaza war]]> https://cpj.org/?p=387922 2024-07-01T14:27:26Z 2024-07-01T14:27:18Z Since the start of the Israel-Gaza war, an unprecedented number of journalists and media workers have been arrested — often without charge — in what they and their attorneys say is retaliation for their journalism and commentary.

As of July 1, CPJ has documented a total of 51 arrests of journalists in the Palestinian territories of the West Bank and Gaza and in the city of Jerusalem, claimed by both Israel and the Palestinians as a capital, since the war began on October 7, 2023. Israel arrested 48; Palestinian authorities arrested three.

Fifteen of these journalists, including the three held by Palestinian authorities, have since been released, while 36 remain under arrest.

At least 15 of the journalists arrested by Israel are being held under administrative detention, a policy under which a military commander may detain an individual without charge, typically for six months, on the grounds of preventing them from committing a future offense. Detention can be extended an unlimited number of times.

(Editor’s note: These numbers are being updated regularly as more information becomes available.)

“Since October 7, Israel has been arresting Palestinian journalists in record numbers and using administrative detention to keep them behind bars, thus depriving the region not only of much needed information, but also of Palestinian voices on the conflict,” said CPJ Program Director Carlos Martínez de la Serna in New York. “If Israel wants to live up to its self-styled reputation of being the only democracy in the Middle East, it needs to release detained Palestinian journalists and stop using military courts to hold them without evidence.”

In its 2023 prison census, CPJ documented the imprisonment by Israeli authorities of 17 Palestinian journalists, the highest number of media arrests in Israel and the Palestinian territories since CPJ began tracking jailed journalists in 1992.

However, the number of journalists behind bars may be higher than CPJ’s records show as it has become increasingly difficult to verify information during the war. Due process is failing, with lawyers and families often unable to find out why journalists have been arrested.

CPJ is still working to research, document, and verify reports about the arrest of at least 28 other journalists in Gaza and the West Bank not included in this list. (Read more here about our methodology.)

Neither Israel’s domestic intelligence agency Shin Bet, nor the Palestinian General Intelligence Service replied to CPJ’s emailed requests for comment about those arrested.

List of arrests

Rasha Hirzallah

On June 2, Israeli security forces detained Rasha Hirzallah, a reporter for the Palestinian Authority’s official news agency WAFA, after she was summoned for questioning to the police station at Ariel, an Israeli settlement about 28 kilometers (17 miles) south of the West Bank city of Nablus, according to news reports, and Hirzallah’s brother Osama, who spoke to CPJ.

The police told Hirzallah and her lawyer that she would be detained for 72 hours, Osama said.

Hirzallah is under investigation for incitement and will be transferred to Hasharon Prison, north of the Israeli port city of Tel Aviv, on June 3, and appear in court on June 6, Amani Sarahneh, spokesperson for the Palestinian Prisoners’ Club, which supports prisoners in jails, told CPJ.

On her social media accounts for X, formerly Twitter, and Instagram, Hirzallah prominently features her brother Mohammed Hirzallah, who died in November 2022 after being shot in the head during clashes with Israeli security forces in July that year. 

STATUS: Currently imprisoned

Mahmoud Fatafta

On May 29, Israeli security forces arrested Mahmoud Fatafta, a Palestinian columnist and political commentator, at an Israel Defense Forces checkpoint, near the West Bank village of Abu Dis as he was driving with his son to the town of Tarqumiyah, 12 kilometers (7.4 miles) northwest of Hebron, according to news reports, the Palestinian Journalists’ Syndicate, and the Palestinian press freedom group MADA.    

According to the same reports and Fatafta’s brother Hassan, who spoke to CPJ via messaging app on May 29, Fatafta’s 10-year-old son was left at the checkpoint until a relative came from Ramallah to pick him up.

Fatafta, who is also a professor of politics and media at the Arab American University in Ramallah and the Palestinian Technical University Khadoury, often appears on TV and radio to comment on the ongoing war in Gaza and regularly contributes columns and commentary to the Wattan Media Network, among other outlets. On the May 15 anniversary of the Nakba,  the mass displacement of Palestinians during the 1948 Arab-Israeli war, Fatafta wrote a column accusing Israel of denying the existence of the Nakba and saying that Palestinians will no longer be victims of weakness and marginalization.   

Fatafta also provides commentary on his personal Facebook account, which has nearly 5,000 followers. The last post prior to his arrest included a quote by Egyptian scholar Abdul Wahab al-Mesiri and read “the more brutal the colonizer becomes, the nearer his end is.”     

On May 30, Fatafta’s wife, Rasha, told CPJ via messaging app that her husband was being held at a police station in the Israeli settlement of Ma’ale Adumim, in east Jerusalem, and that a hearing will be held on June 2 about his Facebook posts.  

STATUS: Currently imprisoned  

Bilal Hamid al-Taweel

On May 29, Israeli security forces arrested Palestinian freelance journalist Bilal Hamid al-Taweel, who contributes to several media outlets including the Qatari-funded broadcaster Al Jazeera, at his home in the West Bank city of Hebron, according to news reports, footage of his arrest posted on social media by the Palestinian news outlet Al-Qastal and the journalist’s brother Hamad al-Taweel, who spoke to CPJ via messaging app.

The video posted by Al-Qastal on its X account shows two Israeli soldiers taking Al-Taweel, who is blindfolded and handcuffed, to an armored military vehicle.  

Hamad al-Taweel told CPJ that the soldiers seized his brother’s phone and that he currently works for AlJazeera. Al-Taweel is also very active on Facebook and Instagram, where he posts commentary and videos of the war in Gaza. The reason for his arrest remains unknown. 

According to CPJ research, Israeli forces arrested al-Taweel in June 2018. He was released ten days later, according to news reports

STATUS: currently imprisoned

Mahmoud Adel Ma’atan Barakat

On May 19, Israeli security forces arrested Palestinian journalist Mahmoud Adel Ma’atan Barakat, a radio producer and editor for the Wattan Media Network, at his home in the village of Burqa, 5 kilometers (3 miles) west of the West Bank city of Ramallah, according to news reports and his brother Muthana, who spoke to CPJ via messaging app on May 19.

Muthana Ma’atan Barakat told CPJ that nearly 50 Israeli soldiers arrived at the family house in Burqa at around 2 a.m. and soldiers and an officer working for the Shin Bet entered the house and seized his brother`s cell phone and laptop.

“The Shin Bet officer told my mother that Mahmoud was arrested for incitement. They subsequently took my brother outside, handcuffed his hands and legs and took him away,” Muthana Barakat said, adding that his brother was being held in Ofer Prison, 4 kilometers (2.5 miles) southwest of Ramallah.

Muamar Orabi, general director of the Wattan Media Network, told CPJ via messaging app on May 19 that Barakat works there as an editor and radio producer.

In recent months, Barakat posted footage on his Facebook and Instagram accounts of Israeli soldiers conducting operations in Burqa, a town east of Ramallah, and photos of the February resignation of the Palestinian Prime Minister Mohammad Shtayyeh.      

STATUS: Currently imprisoned

Khalil Dweeb

Two Palestinian General Intelligence Service agents arrested Khalil Dweeb, a freelance camera operator who contributes to the Qatari broadcaster Al Jazeera, on April 16 after he was summoned to a police station to pick up his cell phone, according to news reports and the journalist’s lawyer, Mohannad Karajah, who spoke to CPJ. Police had seized Dweeb’s phone some time ago, Karajah said.

The Bethlehem prosecutor’s office initially extended Dweeb’s detention for 24 hours to complete the investigation into allegations from the prosecutor’s office that Dweeb was in possession of an illegal weapon, according to Karajah and an April 18 statement from the independent Palestinian legal support group Lawyers for Justice.

The magistrate’s court in Bethlehem on April 18 extended Dweeb’s detention for five days at the request of the prosecution, according to those reports. In their statement, the Lawyers for Justice said Dweeb’s arrest was related to his work as a journalist.

Dweeb has been reporting on the West Bank for Al Jazeera. In March, he covered clashes between Palestinian resistance fighters and the Israeli Army in Nablus, the Israeli forces’ killing of a Palestinian resistance fighter near Tulkarem, and the effects of Israeli raids in Tulkarem’s Nur Shams refugee camp. Previously, Dweeb contributed footage to the local radio station Radio Bethlehem 2000 and J-Media Network news agency.

He was released on April 23, 2024.

STATUS: Released

Ahmed al-Bitawi

On March 29, Palestinian General Intelligence Service agents arrested Ahmed al-Bitawi, a reporter for Sanad News Agency, in the Palestinian West Bank city of Nablus while he was reporting on a march in support of Gaza, according to news reports and the journalist’s lawyer Ibrahim al-Amer, who spoke with CPJ via messaging app. The next day, al-Bitawi was transferred to Al-Junaid Prison in Nablus, those sources said.

On April 1, a trial court in Nablus extended al-Bitawi’s detention for 15 days, according to Sanad News Agency, the Beirut-based press freedom organization SKeyes, and the journalist’s lawyer Ibrahim al-Amer, who spoke with CPJ via messaging app.

Al-Amer said that al-Bitawi’s detention had been extended on charges of possession of an illegal weapon and receiving money from illegal organizations. He rejected the allegations as false and said his client had been arrested because of his work as a journalist, without providing any further details.

“There is no evidence to support these claims against him. His detention could be extended for several months without having to present any evidence against him,” al-Amer told CPJ.

Al-Bitwawi’s brother told CPJ via messaging app that he was released on April 8.

STATUS: Released

Rula Hassanein

Palestinian freelance journalist Rula Hassanein is currently being held in Damon Prison on charges of incitement on social media and supporting a hostile organization banned under Israeli law, according to the Palestinian press freedom group MADA and court documents, which CPJ has reviewed.

On March 19, Israeli military forces arrested Hassanein, who is also an editor for the Ramallah-based Wattan Media Network, without explanation, at her home in the Al-Ma’asra neighborhood in the West Bank city of Bethlehem, handcuffed and blindfolded her, confiscated her laptop and cell phone, and took her to Damon Prison, near the northern Israeli city of Haifa, according to news reports, the Palestinian press freedom group MADA, and the Beirut-based press freedom group SKeyes.

On April 3, Judea military court postponed the hearing for the third time, refused to grant bail to Hassanein, and rejected her lawyer’s request that she be released to look after her ailing baby, according to news reports and MADA.  

The court documents accused Hassanein of incitement over her posts, including retweets, on X, formerly Twitter, and Facebook between August 2022 and December 2023, in which she commented on the Israel-Gaza war, including her frustration over the suffering of Palestinians. Hassanein also commented on events in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, including the shooting of two Israelis in the northern town of Hawara in August 2023 and the killing of an Israeli soldier at a checkpoint in East Jerusalem in October 2022.

On October 10, 2023, Hassanein retweeted a post on X showing a photograph of her in a sniper’s crosshairs with Hebrew text describing her as a Hamas Nazi journalist living in Ramallah, which she said Israeli setters circulated on social media groups calling for her arrest as part of an incitement campaign against her.

Hassanein’s family are campaigning for her release, saying that her health has deteriorated as a result of poor prison conditions, according to the Palestinian outlet Mada News and MADA.

STATUS: Currently imprisoned

Imad Ifranji

Palestinian journalist Imad Ifranji, manager of the Gaza bureau of the Jerusalem-based Al-Quds newspaper, has been found to be in Israeli custody after he went missing during Israel’s attack on Gaza’s Al-Shifa Hospital on March 19, 2024, according to news reports and Ifranji’s son, Musaab, who spoke to CPJ via messaging app on and on June 26.

Musaab told CPJ that, as soon as he found out about the beginning of Israel’s attack on Al-Shifa hospital on March 18, he reached out to his family in Gaza City to inquire about their safety, because the family home was in the vicinity of the hospital and one of his brothers told him that his father was at the hospital with other Palestinian journalists.

According to Musaab, for several hours after the attack the Ifranji family, knew nothing about the fate of his father or of any of the journalists who were at Al-Shifa until a phone call came from his father confirming that he was in one of the hospital’s corridors and saying that if they didn’t hear anything from him within two or three days it would mean that he had either been killed or arrested.

Musaab said that after hearing from his father there was a telecommunications blackout until the early hours of March 20, when he received a text message from his sister urging him not to call because Israeli troops had broken into their home.

Musaab said Israeli security forces stayed at his home for several hours, interrogated and mistreated his brothers and sisters, used his younger brothers as human shields as Israeli troops were withdrawing, ordered the family to leave for the southern Gazan city of Rafah and burned the house to the ground.

On April 15, after nearly a month without any news about the whereabouts or fate of his father, Musaab received a call from a released Palestinian prisoner, who didn’t identify himself, saying that his father was in Israeli custody.

About a month later, Musaab found a picture, published on Twitter by the Israeli-funded Arabic language bulletin Al-Waka, showing his father (third from the left) among other detainees. The caption described them as Hamas and Islamic Jihad terrorists who had been arrested at Al-Shifa Hospital. 

A month ago, the Ifranji family found out through a former prisoner who preferred to remain anonymous that Ifranji was being held at Barkasat detention center in Rafah, Musaab told CPJ, but they couldn’t confirm the whereabouts of his father.

Ifranji is a veteran Palestinian journalist. He previously served as the director of the Gaza office of the Hamas-affiliated Al-Quds TV and has worked for a variety of Palestinian media outlets, including the news websites PalTimes and Felesteen. On June 27, Mohamed Abo Khdair, editor-in-chief of the Al-Quds newspaper, told CPJ that Ifranji used to work as a reporter for the newspaper, before becoming manager of Al-Quds’ Gaza bureau.   

Status: Currently Imprisoned

Maher Haroun

On March 19, Palestinian General Intelligence agents arrested Maher Haroun, a freelance journalist and media student at Al-Quds Open University, while he was covering a pro-Gaza march in the West Bank city of Ramallah and held him for questioning for three days, according to news reports, the Palestinian press freedom group MADA, and Haroun, who spoke to CPJ via messaging app on May 15.

During his detention, Haroun was repeatedly questioned about his work as a journalist and his filming of the protests and was verbally and physically abused, according to MADA. No charges were filed against him and no hearing was held on his case, the same sources said. He was released on March 22.

As a freelance photographer and cameraman, Haroun has contributed footage of protests to some local media outlets, including the broadcasters Palestine TV and AnNajah TV.

STATUS: Released

Walid Zayed

Palestinian journalist Walid Zayed, a reporter and editor for the Qatari-funded broadcaster Al Jazeera Mubasher, is currently being held in Ofer Prison on charges of incitement, according to news reports, the Palestinian press freedom organization MADA, and legal documents that CPJ has reviewed.

On March 18, 2024, Israeli security forces arrested Zayed at his home in Ramallah’s Al-Masayef neighborhood, searched and vandalized the house, seized his computer, his personal cell phone, SIM cards, and journalism equipment and took him away to an unknown destination without giving the reason for his arrest, according to news reports, MADA and SKeyes.

On March 28, the Ofer court extended Zayed’s detention until June 4, according to MADA.   

Legal documents obtained by CPJ show that Zayed is facing incitement charges over a tweet he reposted on his personal X account on October 7, 2023. The tweet includes a video report by the Qatari broadcaster Al Jazeera showing Palestinians standing on top of a military vehicle and dragging Israeli soldiers to the ground.

STATUS: Currently imprisoned

Mahmoud Elewa

On Monday, March 18, Israel Defense Forces (IDF) launched a new offensive on the Al-Shifa hospital complex, arresting scores of Palestinians. An unspecified number of journalists, including Mahmoud Elewa, a freelance correspondent for Al Jazeera TV, and Mohamad Arab, a freelance journalist with Al-Araby TV, were among those held, according to multiple news reports. CPJ was unable to confirm further details about other journalists arrested in the raid or where Elewa and Arab are being held.

Arab and Elewa were among the first to report on the hospital raid and the arrest of Al Jazeera reporter Ismail Al-Ghoul on Monday. Al-Ghoul was released after about 12 hours in Israeli custody.

STATUS: Currently imprisoned

Mohamad Arab

On Monday, March 18, Israel Defense Forces (IDF) launched a new offensive on the Al-Shifa hospital complex, arresting scores of Palestinians. An unspecified number of journalists, including Mahmoud Elewa, a freelance correspondent for Al Jazeera TV, and Mohamad Arab, a freelance journalist with Al-Araby TV, were among those held, according to multiple news reports. CPJ was unable to confirm further details about other journalists arrested in the raid or where Arab and Elewa are being held.

Arab and Elewa were among the first to report on the hospital raid and the arrest of Al Jazeera reporter Ismail Al-Ghoul on Monday. Al-Ghoul was released after about 12 hours in Israeli custody.

On June 19, 2024, lawyer Khaled Mahajneh told Al-Araby TV, which Arab freelanced for before his arrest, that the journalist is being held at the Israeli detention facility Sde Teiman, which multiple media outlets and journalists have said is a facility where Palestinian detainees sometimes are brutally mistreated. The lawyer, who saw the journalist at Sde Teiman, said that Arab didn’t know his location for 100 days of his arrest up until the visit.

The lawyer also relayed Arab’s testimony that said “we face mistreatment and torture all day, including sexual harassment and rape. The beatings and insults never stop.” Arab, in the testimony that was published by media outlets, added that all the detainees, including him, are surrounded by police dogs all the time.

Arab, age 42, also described to the lawyer Mahajneh that the food quality is so low and in low quantities, adding that “every 4 detainees can use the toilets for a total of a minute, and are allowed to shower for one minute a week.”

 Mahajneh told CPJ via messaging app that “Arab was questioned after 40 days of his arrest from Al Shifa hospital, where he reiterated that he’s a journalist working with multiple outlets and accused by soldiers and investigators of being ‘a reporter of information between internal and external Hamas.’” The lawyer said Arab wasn’t treated as a journalist even after he told investigators that he was arrested while doing his job at Al-Shifa. Mahajneh added that Arab was asked about the place where Hamas stores its weapons, which is a question he responded to by saying “I don’t know. I’m a journalist and I was arrested while doing journalism.”

STATUS: Currently imprisoned

Ismail Al-Ghoul

On March 18, 2024, Israel Defense Forces soldiers assaulted Al Jazeera Arabic reporter Ismail Al-Ghoul as he reported on a new Israeli offensive on Al-Shifaa Hospital complex in northern Gaza, and then took Al-Ghoul and other journalists to an undisclosed location, according to Al Jazeera, and multiple news reports.

Al-Ghoul was released by Israeli forces on Monday night after being held for almost 12 hours. In an interview with Al Jazeera, Al-Ghoul recounted how he and several other journalists were assaulted by IDF soldiers, whom he said destroyed the journalists’ tent and damaged their equipment and press vehicles. Al-Ghoul said the journalists were ordered to strip off their clothes in the cold weather, and were kept blindfolded and handcuffed in a room at Al-Shifa hospital.  Although Al-Ghoul stated that most of Al Jazeera’s crew was released, he could not confirm the release of every member, as their mobile phones, laptops, and equipment were destroyed by Israeli forces. The release of the journalists followed earlier U.S. State Department inquiries about his detention and calls by organizations including CPJ and Al Jazeera.

STATUS: Released

Rami Abu Zubaida

On March 2, 2024, Israeli security forces arrested Palestinian journalist Rami Abu Zubaida, editor-in-chief of the Palestinian news website 180 Investigations, along with his brother Ibrahim at a checkpoint set at the Hamad Towers area in the southern Gazan city of Khan Yunis, according to Abu Zubaida’s employer and the Beirut-based regional press freedom group SKeyes.

Abu Zubaida’s brother Khaled was cited by SKeyes as saying that Israeli troops surrounded the Hamad Towers residential area and via a drone called on residents to leave the area through a safe corridor amid heavy gunfire and shelling.

“My brother Rami and other residents were surprised that a checkpoint had been set up for those displaced. As he approached the checkpoint, Israeli soldiers arrested him, blindfolded him and my other brother Ibrahim and took them to an unknown destination,” he told SKeyes.

On June 21, Abu Zubaida’s brother, Khaled, told CPJ via messaging app and email that he didn’t know anything about his brothers’ whereabouts for more than 110 days.

“Two days ago, we found out through a lawyer that they were arrested and are being held in the most horrific prison in the world, Sde Teiman (in the Negev Desert). Rami has health problems with his back and we don’t know his current condition. Unfortunately, all the news that comes out from there, either from the news or from released prisoners, are horrible and that increases our concern and fear for them, because we don’t know their fate,” Khaled said.        

According to news reports, mistreatment and the use of torture against Palestinian prisoners are common at the Sde Teiman prison camp. News reports said that Israeli authorities have begun to transfer inmates from Sde Teiman to other prisons following a petition by several human rights organizations to shut down the facility over allegations of severe human rights violations.     

On June 24, Khaled told CPJ via messaging app that a day earlier he had found out through a lawyer that Abu Zubaida had been transferred to Ofer Prison near the West Bank city of Ramallah.

Apart from his work as editor-in-chief of the 180 Investigations, Abu Zubaida also contributes articles to the news website ArabicPost and often provides comment on Israeli-Palestinian political affairs for the Istanbul-based broadcaster Al-Rafidain TV. He used to write for the Qatari broadcaster Al-Jazeera and the news website Al-Araby al-Jadeed among others.  

STATUS: Currently Imprisoned

Sami Al-Sai

Sami Al-Sai, a reporter for the Qatari broadcaster Al Jazeera Mubasher and the local broadcaster Al-Fajer TV, is currently being held in administrative detention in Remon prison, according to the Palestinian Commission of Detainee Affairs and a copy of the administrative detention order, which CPJ has reviewed.

On February 23, Israeli troops arrested Al-Sai at his home in Tulkarem’s Artah neighborhood, according to news reports, the Palestinian press freedom organization MADA, and a video of his arrest posted by the Qatari-broadcaster Al Jazeera.

According to MADA, twenty Israeli soldiers raided and vandalized the Al-Sai family home in Tulkarem, handcuffed Al-Sai and his brother Osama with plastic bands and took him away to an unknown destination without informing him of the reason for his arrest.

According to a copy of the administrative detention order that CPJ has reviewed, Al-Sai was placed in administrative detention for four months at a hearing that was held behind closed doors and chaired by military judge Ofer Shvitzer. Al-Sai is due to be released on June 22.

The administrative detention order says that the prosecutor accused Al-Sai of being a member of Hamas and acting to undermine the security of the state and the judge agreed that these reasons were enough to keep him in detention. The defense lawyer demanded that Al-Sai be released for medical reasons, because he donated a kidney to his son and needs medication, but the judge overruled this objection and said that the doctor at the jail said that Al-Sai is healthy enough to remain in prison.

Prior to his arrest, Al-Sai had been covering Israeli military operations in the city of Tulkarem, especially in the Nour Shams refugee camp, for the Jordanian broadcaster Al-Haqeqa al-Dawliya, the Tulkarem-based broadcaster Fajer TV, the radio station Shabab FM, and Al Jazeera Mubasher.

Al-Sai is also the founder and director of the news website Karmul, which provides news about the city of Tulkarem. Al-Sai extensively covered the destruction caused by Israeli military operations in the Nour Shams refugee camp.

STATUS: Currently imprisoned

Amr Abu Raida

On February 15, Israeli security forces arrested Palestinian freelance journalist Amr Abu Rida, who contributes to the Hamas-affiliated Quds News Network among others, near Nasser Hospital in the southern Gazan city of Khan Younis, according to news reports and the Beirut-based press freedom group SKeyes.    

Journalist Somaya al-Rumaisa was quoted by SKeyes as saying that Abu Rida was arrested by Israeli forces as he was trying to flee through what was designated as a safe corridor from Khan Younis to the southern city of Rafah.

“We found out that the pretext for his arrest was that he was firing rockets, which is of course not true. Amr was only a journalist and he just relayed the news,” she said.

Abu Raida reported on the situation in Khan Younis and the destruction caused by Israeli airstrikes. On his personal Instagram account, which has over 73,000 followers, Abu Raida also posted videos of mass graves found near Nasser Hospital and videos of casualties caused by Israeli airstrikes.

STATUS: Currently imprisoned

Hamza al-Safi

Palestinian freelance journalist Hamza al-Safi, who contributes to the Hamas-affiliated Quds News Network and the news website Al-Jarmaq News, among others, is currently being held in Al-Jalama detention center and no indictment had been issued against him, according to the Palestinian Commission of Detainee Affairs and al-Safi’s wife Mariam Shawahna, who spoke to CPJ via phone and messaging app on April 9. 

On February 9, 2024, Israeli security forces stormed into al-Safi’s house in the West Bank city of Tulkarem and arrested him, according to news reports, the Beirut-based press freedom organization SKeyes, and Shawahna.

Shawahna, who is also a journalist and works with her husband, told CPJ that Israeli soldiers broke into the house after midnight, searched it, and seized al-Safi´s photography equipment, two computers, several electronic devices and five cell phones, thus depriving her of the tools she needs to do her job as a journalist.

Shawahna told CPJ that al-Safi and herself work as freelancers contributing footage and other services to programs that air on several local news agencies and TV stations, including the Quds News Network, the news website Al-Jarmaq News, and the TV station Al-Madina. They contributed footage to the Quds News Network’s Al-Masar Program on Tulkarem.

STATUS: Currently imprisoned

Ali Abu Shariaa

On January 25, Israeli security forces arrested Palestinian journalist Ali Abu Shariaa, head of sports news for the Gaza bureau of the Palestinian national Authority’s funded broadcaster Palestine TV, as he was fleeing the southern Gazan city of Khan Yunis for Rafah and held him for 23 days, according to his employer and Abu Shariaa, who spoke to CPJ via messaging app on June 21 and 23.

Abu Shariaa told CPJ that, after instructing him and thousands of other Palestinians to leave the area in western Khan Yunis where they were staying through a route deemed safe, Israeli security forces arrested him at a checkpoint and seized his belongings, including his passport and money.    

After being ordered to strip and advance toward the soldiers, Abu Sharia was beaten, handcuffed with plastic straps, blindfolded, put on his knees and left out in the cold for hours with other prisoners until they were put on a truck and taken to an unknown location for interrogation, according to Abu Shariaa.

Abu Shariaa told CPJ that although he identified himself as a journalist, and a member of the Palestinian Journalists’ Syndicate and the Arab Journalists Union, he was mistreated during interrogation.

“After interrogation, I was transferred to another location where I was again handcuffed and blindfolded and I remained handcuffed and blindfolded for the 23 days of my detention,” Abu Shariaa said.

He added that inmates were deprived of sleep, beaten, verbally abused, and humiliated on a daily basis and that he lost 18 kilos during his imprisonment as a result of the scant food rations. He was released on February 16, 2024.   

STATUS: Released

Amjad Arafat

On January 12, Israeli security forces arrested Palestinian journalist Amjad Arafat, a reporter for the news website Al-Ain News, at his aunt’s house in Al-Maghazi camp in central Gaza, according to the Beirut-based regional press freedom group SKeyes and a Facebook post by his brother Rafat Arafat.  

Arafat’s brother, Rafat, told SKeyes that Israeli security forces broke into the their aunt’s house in Al-Maghazi camp, where Arafat and his family had been displaced from Gaza City, held men and women in different rooms, and eventually arrested Arafat and three other relatives and took them away.

Arafat’s brother told CPJ via messaging app on June 20, 2024, that he hadn’t heard any news about his brother since his arrest and didn’t know where he was.

Arafat covered the impact of the Gaza war for Al-Ain News, including the rising prices of food and price gouging, and the accumulation of waste and garbage on the streets of Gaza resulting from the war. Prior to the war, Arafat also contributed articles to the independent news websites Raseef22 and the Noonpost.  

Status: Currently Imprisoned

Tareq Taha

On January 11, Israeli police arrested Palestinian journalist Tareq Taha, editor at the Haifa-based news website Arab 48, after summoning him for questioning over a post on his personal Instagram account to the police station at the town of Tamra, 28.4 kilometers (17.6 miles) east of Haifa, according to news reports, his employer, and the Israeli daily Haaretz.    

According to Haaretz, Taha posted a video showing a Palestinian flag and the word “resisting” along with a picture of Jewish Israeli civilians carrying weapons. The caption of the picture was written in Arabic and read “academic year brought to you by M16,” referring to the military rifle. According to a CPJ review, the story is no longer available on Taha’s Instagram account, but the Haaretz article shows screenshots of the story. 

As a result of this Instagram story, Taha was arrested on suspicion of incitement, disturbing the public peace, and conspiring to commit an offense, according to Haaretz and his employer.

Taha was held in custody for three days. A  Haifa Magistrate Court judge released him on bail of 5,000 shekels ($1,362) on January 14, placed him under house arrest for five days and banned him from using social media for a week, according to Haaretz, news reports, and Taha’s employer

STATUS: Released.

Hamad Taqatqa

Palestinian freelance journalist Hamad Taqatqa, who contributes to the Bethlehem-based radio station Radio Baladna and the news agency Palestine News Network (PNN), among others, is currently being held in Ofer Prison on charges of incitement on social media, supporting a terrorist organization, and influencing public opinion in a way that may harm public order, according to his brother Wael Taqatqa, who spoke to CPJ via messaging app on May 24, and court documents that CPJ has reviewed.

Israeli military forces arrested Taqatqa from his home at the town of Beit Fajjar, 29 kilometers (18 miles) south of Bethlehem, on December 26, 2023, handcuffed and blindfolded him, seized three cell phones and a Canon camera, and took him away, according to the Palestinian press freedom group MADA, the Beirut-based regional press freedom organization SKeyes, and news reports.   

According to the court documents reviewed by CPJ, the Ofer military court on January 11 charged Taqatqa with incitement over several posts he shared on his personal Facebook and Telegram accounts, which have 13,000 followers and over 8,000 subscribers respectively, between October 7 and 10.

Wael Taqatqa told CPJ that the next hearing is expected to be held in July.

STATUS: Currently imprisoned.

Mohamed al-Rimawi

On December 22, Israeli soldiers arrested Palestinian journalist Mohamed al-Rimawi, who works at the Ramallah based Awda TV of the Radio and Television Commission, after a dawn raid on his home in the West Bank city of Beit Rima, according to his outlet, the Palestinian Journalists’ Syndicate, and the Palestinian Authority-run Palestine TV.

STATUS: Currently imprisoned

Hatem Hamdan

On December 16, Israeli forces arrested Palestinian freelance journalist Hatem Hamdan at the Awarta checkpoint, south of the West Bank city of Nablus, according to the Palestinian Journalists’ Syndicate, news reports, and a Facebook post by his sister-in-law. These reports said that Hamdan’s car was seized. Hamdan is a freelance reporter and cameraman who has been contributing updates and commentary since the start of the war, including on the release of prisoners and the situation in the West Bank, to different broadcasters, including Jordan’s Al-Haqiqa TV, the Yemeni channel Al-Hawaia, the Nablus-based An-Najah TV, and the Qatari broadcaster Al Jazeera.                            

Prior to that, Hamdan worked for the news agency J-Media covering news including Israeli seizures of land and homes north of the West Bank city of Ramallah and the throwing of Molotov cocktails at Israeli troops in Ramallah. In early September 2023, Palestinian intelligence agents arrested Hamdan and held him for questioning for four days in the West Bank city of Al-Bireh, according to the Palestinian press freedom group MADA and a Facebook post by Hamdan.

STATUS: Currently imprisoned

Ikhlas Sawalha

On December 12, Israeli military forces arrested Palestinian freelance journalist Ikhlas Sawalha at the Deir Sharaf checkpoint, west of the West Bank city of Nablus, after searching her car, and took her to Damon Prison near the northern Israeli city of Haifa, according to news reports.

Several charges were brought against Sawalha related to her work as a journalist and a hearing was set for December 19, the Palestinian press freedom group MADA reported.

On December 21, Ofer military court placed Sawalha in administrative detention for six months, according to the Commission of Detainees Affairs, which supports Palestinian prisoners, MADA, and the journalist’s sister Walla, who spoke to CPJ.

According to CPJ’s review of Sawalha’s Facebook account, she is a media graduate from the West Bank’s University of Birzeit. Sawalha runs a YouTube channel, with 664 subscribers, where she has posted reports on events calling for the release of Palestinian prisoners and an interview she did for the Quds Feed Network, a Palestinian media network. Sawalha’s sister Walla told CPJ that Sawalha also worked with a local charity teaching journalism to students.

On February 8, Sawalha’s lawyer, Hassan Abbadi, described on Facebook his visit to the journalist in Damon Prison where he said conditions were poor, with overcrowded cells, water leaking from the ceiling, bad food, and bed bugs.

STATUS: Currently imprisoned

Diaa Al-Kahlout

On December 7, Palestinian journalist Diaa Al-Kahlout, chief bureau correspondent for the Qatari-funded London-based pan-Arab newspaper Al-Araby Al-Jadeed, was arrested from the Al-Souk area in Beit Lahya, a city in northern Gaza, along with an unknown number of family members, according to a statement by his outlet and a report by Beirut-based news website Al-Modon.

On January 9, Al-Kahlout was released from Kerem Shalom crossing along with other Palestinian men who were held under Israeli custody, according to his outlet. In a video posted by the outlet after his release, Al-Kahlout said that he faced mistreatment and violence from Israeli officers, including the Shin Bet, and that while being held at a military base he was questioned about an article, published in 2018 by his outlet but written by a different journalist, which described details about Sayeret Matkal, the Israeli military unit, and its operations abroad.

STATUS: Released

Mosab Abu Toha

On November 19, the award-winning Palestinian poet Mosab Abu Toha was detained and questioned by Israeli forces as he was fleeing into southern Gaza with his family, according to The New Yorker, CNN, and Al Jazeera. He was released the following day, those sources said. Abu Toha recently wrote for The New Yorker, The New York Times, and The Atlantic about the impact of Israeli strikes on his neighborhood. He was released on November  21. “I’m safe but I still have severe pain in my nose and teeth after being beaten by the Israeli army,” Abu Toha posted on Facebook on November 24. “I gave them all my family’s passports, including my American son’s passport but they didn’t return anything to me. Also my clothes and my children’s were taken and not returned to me. No wallet, no money, no credit cards. Everything was confiscated.”

The IDF said in a statement that Abu Toha was taken into questioning because of “intelligence indicating of a number of interactions between several civilians and terror organizations inside the Gaza Strip,” according to The Times of Israel and CNN.

STATUS: Released

Tarek el-Sharif

On November 19, Palestinian journalist Tarek el-Sharif, the host of the call-in radio show “With the People” on the West Bank-based Raya FM station, was arrested by Israeli soldiers at his home in Ramallah, West Bank, after a dawn raid, according to the Palestinian press freedom group MADA, the Palestinian Journalists’ Syndicate, the London-based news website The New Arab, and the journalist’s wife, Suha Tamim, who spoke to CPJ over the phone. Tamim said el-Sharif was being held at Ofer Prison and was arrested because of his journalism, specifically his reporting on Gaza and his program “With the People,” adding that el-Sharif did not cover politics. Tamim told CPJ in November that el-Sharif’s lawyer has not been informed by authorities of the reason for his arrest. Later in December he was charged with incitement, which can carry a sentence of up to two years, according to human rights groups in the region.

STATUS: Currently imprisoned

Ibrahim al-Zouhairy

On November 18, Palestinian journalist Ibrahim al-Zouhairy, a contributor to Al-Hadath news website, was arrested by Israeli forces at his home in Burham town, northern Ramallah, West Bank, according to the Palestinian Journalists’ Syndicate. Soldiers broke into his family home in Burham, north of Ramallah in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, according to al-Zouhairy’s sister, journalist Hala al-Zouhairy, and the Palestinian Journalists’ Syndicate. In an interview with CPJ, Hala al-Zouhairy said that soldiers assaulted the journalist and another brother, Mohammad al-Zouhairy, a law student at Birzeit University, and arrested the pair. They also threatened to kill the family. She said that the brothers were not informed of any charges against them and that their lawyers have no information about the reason for their arrest.

STATUS: Currently imprisoned

Abdalafo Bassam Zaghir

On November 17, Palestinian freelance photographer and activist Abdalafo Bassam Zaghir was arrested by Israeli soldiers at Damascus gate near Al-Aqsa mosque in Jerusalem, according to the Hamas-affiliated Quds News Network, the Palestinian press freedom group MADA, the Palestinian Journalists’ Syndicate, and Sanad News Agency. He was released on November 21.

STATUS: Released

Alaa Sarraj

On November 16, 2023, Israeli security forces arrested Palestinian journalist Alaa Sarraj, a photographer for local production company Ain Media, on Gaza City’s Salah al-Din Street, according to the Beirut-based regional press freedom group SKeyes, the Palestinian Journalists’ Syndicate, and Sarraj’s sister, Farah Sarraj , who spoke to CPJ via messaging app on June 21 and 24. 

A relative of Sarraj’s, who preferred to remain anonymous, told SKeyes that Sarraj was arrested near the former Israeli settlement of Neztarim, 5 kilometers (3.1 miles) southwest of Gaza City, as he was fleeing the city for the southern Gaza Strip.

Farah Sarraj told CPJ via messaging app on June 21 that the family recently found out through a friend who was imprisoned with him in the same location that he is being held in Nafha Prison, 69 kilometers (42 miles) south of the southern Israeli city of Beersheba.  

Farah Sarraj said that her brother used to make advertisements for different local businesses, including retail stores and restaurants, and for a time he worked for nonprofit Islamic Relief, but when the war in Gaza started on October 7, 2023, he began to work as a journalist at Gaza City’s Al-Shifa Hospital along with his cousin Roshdi Sarraj, the founder of Ain Media who was killed in an Israeli airstrike on October 22, 2023.       

STATUS: Currently imprisoned

Mervat Al Azze

On November 16, Palestinian journalist Mervat Al Azze was placed under arrest after being questioned by Israeli police in Jerusalem over Facebook posts. Al Azze, a part-time producer covering Gaza for NBC, was charged with incitement and transferred to a military court in Jerusalem, according to the London-based news website The New Arab, the Palestinian Journalists’ Syndicate, the Palestinian press freedom group MADA, and her lawyer Jad Qadamani who told CPJ via messaging app that Al Azze had been held and interrogated for more than three days.  Al Azze was released in the hostage exchange deal between Israel and Hamas on November 28.

STATUS: Released

Mohamad al-Atrash

On November 8, Israeli soldiers arrested journalist Mohamad al-Atrash, a host for the program “People’s Discussions” at the local Palestinian Radio Alam, after raiding his house in Hebron, West Bank, according to the radio, the London-based news website The New Arab, and the Palestinian press freedom group MADA. Al-Atrash’s wife told Radio Alam that he was arrested and his phone confiscated in a dawn raid. Israeli authorities charged him with incitement on social media. Since the beginning of the 2023 Israel-Gaza war, Al-Atrash has been reporting on a daily basis on the Israeli military campaign in Gaza, including airstrikes, shortages of fuel at Gaza hospitals, and the rising death toll, as well as the war’s impact on the West Bank. He also shares commentary on his personal Facebook account, which has nearly 10,000 followers.  Radio Alam quoted al-Atrash’s lawyer, Khaled al-Araj, as saying that at a November 26 hearing Israeli prosecutors indicted al-Atrash for incitement over posts on his personal Facebook and Instagram accounts, rejected his bail, and extended his detention until the end of his trial without specifying a date.

Al-Atrash was released on June 6, according to a video of his release published by the Palestinian news agency Sahat and a report by the Palestinian news website Nabd.  

STATUS: Released

Amer Abu Arafa

On November 8, Israeli soldiers arrested reporter Amer Abu Arafa, a freelance reporter who works for the London-based Quds Press agency and Shehab news agency, after raiding his house in Hebron, West Bank, according to the Quds Press agency, the London-based news website The New Arab, the Palestinian press freedom group MADA, and the journalist’s brother Ammar Abu Arafa, who spoke to CPJ via messaging app. Ammar Abu Arafa told CPJ that Israeli soldiers broke down their door, raided their house, assaulted his brother, and confiscated his phone. He noted that his brother has health issues and requires medication for paranasal sinuses.

Amer Abu Arafa, 39, was previously arrested and placed under administrative detention in July 2022 without charges or trial for eight months, according to his news outlet, Ultra Palestine news website, and his brother, who told CPJ that Amer Abu Arafa was only freed four months ago. Abu Arafa’s wife, Safa Hroub, told CPJ that her husband wasn’t notified of any charges against him and that he has been prevented from seeing a lawyer or his family. She said he was placed in administrative detention for six months on November 19.

STATUS: Currently imprisoned

Mohammad Ayad

Palestinian freelance journalist Mohammad Ayad, who contributes to the news websites Al-Qastal and the Quds News Network, is currently being held in Ofer Prison on charges of incitement, according to his wife, Sireen Awad, who spoke to CPJ via messaging app on March 18.

On November 7, Israeli security forces arrested Ayad at his home in the West Bank village of Abu Dis, 10.6 kilometers (6.5 miles) east of Jerusalem, according to news reports and the Palestinian Journalists Syndicate.  

“My husband works as a freelance journalist and he was charged with incitement because of Facebook posts, even though most of them fell within the scope of his journalistic work,” Ayad´s wife told CPJ.

Awad also told CPJ that her husband hasn’t yet stood trial on charges of incitement.

Ayad covered local news in Abu Dis, including confrontations between Palestinians and Israeli security forces, the release of Palestinian prisoners, assaults on Palestinian by Israeli security forces, or activities for children. He also did a video for the Palestinian Bar Association as part of a campaign for the release of Palestinian prisoners from jail and a Ramadan program for the Abu Dis Youth Club. 

Prior to his arrest, Ayad posted on his personal Facebook account comments critical of Palestinian President Mahmud Abbas, saying that he doesn’t represent him and questioning his position and views following the Hamas attacks on Israel on October 7.

On October 13, he posted the picture of an Israeli soldier lying on the ground and covering his face while somebody puts his foot on his neck and a slogan that reads “our army, the proud army, destroyed the oppressive army.” On October 8, he posted a picture of the destroyed police station in Sderot, Israel.  

STATUS: Currently imprisoned

Huthifa Abu Jamous

On November 6, Israeli security forces arrested Palestinian freelance journalist Huthifa Abu Jamous at his home in the village of Abu Dis, 10 kilometers (6 miles) east of Jerusalem, handcuffed him, and took him away, according to the Palestinian press freedom group MADA and the journalist’s father, Ali Dawod Jamous, who spoke to CPJ via messaging app on June 4.

Jamous, who contributes to the Hamas-affiliated Quds News Network and AlQastal News, is being held in administrative detention in Ofer Prison, according to the Palestinian Commission of Detainee Affairs, the Beirut-based regional press freedom organization SKeyes, and his father.

Jamous’s father told CPJ that the Ofer military court placed Jamous in administrative detention for six months on November 14,2023, the detention was extended by four months on April 16, and the decision was upheld on May 16.

The military prosecutor accused Jamous of incitement on social media, and of being a Hamas supporter who posed a security threat to the area, according to a copy of the military detention order reviewed by CPJ.

Jamous’s lawyer, Moataz Shqirat, rejected the prosecutor’s claims, and the journalist had never been convicted of any crime, according to the legal documents reviewed by CPJ.

The judge said in the detention order that he had received a classified intelligence file that confirmed the need to place Jamous in administrative detention.

Jamous was previously arrested in 2018.

STATUS: Currently imprisoned

Abdul Mohsen Shalaldeh

On November 6, Israeli security forces arrested Abdul Mohsen Shalaldeh, a cameraman for the local Palestinian news agency J-Media, at his home in the West Bank town of Sa’ir, 8 kilometers (5 miles) northeast of Hebron, seized his cell phone, handcuffed him, and took him away, according to the Palestinian press freedom group MADA and news reports.

According to the Palestinian Commission of Detainee Affairs, Shalaldeh was placed in administrative detention in Ofer Prison for six months on November 15.

Shalaldeh was previously arrested by Israeli security forces in February and June 2018, 2019, and 2020 and in January 2023

On May 6, Shalaldeh was released, according to news reports and social media posts by other journalists.

STATUS: Released

Ameer Abu Iram

On November 5, journalist Ameer Abu Iram, who works for the West Bank’s Ramallah-based news outlet Al Ersal Network, was arrested during a raid by Israeli soldiers on his home in Birzeit, Ramallah, according to a video shared by Al-Ersal on Facebook, a statement by the Palestinian press freedom group MADA, and his wife Joman Abu Arafa, who told CPJ that Abu Iram wasn’t informed of the charges against him or the reasons for his arrest. She said that Abu Iram had been placed in administrative detention on November 7 and that he was being held in Ofer Prison. Abu Arafa told CPJ that her husband was previously arrested in October 2017 over his journalism, when he was a reporter for the Hamas-affiliated Al-Aqsa channel. He was freed in late November 2017, according to the Beirut-based press freedom group SKeyes.

Abu Iram was released on May 2, 2024, according to news reports and footage of his release posted on social media. 

STATUS: Released

Somaya Jawabra

On November 5, Somaya Jawabra, a 30-year-old freelance journalist from Nablus in the northern West Bank, was arrested. She was summoned, along with her husband, journalist Tariq Al-Sarkaji, for an investigation at the Israeli police station in the Ari’el camp. While her husband was later released, Jawabra, who was seven months pregnant when she was arrested, remained in custody for another week. Her arrest followed about two weeks of incitement against her by settlers in a Telegram group, according to her husband and London-based news website The New Arab, RT Arabic, and the Palestinian press freedom group MADA. The New Arab said settlers accused Jawabra of having Hamas ties and of inciting violence against Israel. On November 12, Jawabra was released from prison under the condition of house arrest for an indefinite period, and bail of 10,000 shekels (US$2,588), and a third-party bail of 50,000 shekels (US$12,940), in addition to preventing her from using the internet, and keeping her, her husband, and her mother-in-law under home supervision, according to the London-based news website The New Arab, and the Palestinian Journalists’ Syndicate. Jawabra gave birth to her son in January while still under house arrest.

STATUS: House arrest 

Nawaf al-Amer

On October 29, 62-year-old journalist Nawaf al-Amer of Sanad news agency was arrested in a raid by Israeli soldiers on his house in Kafr Qallil town of Nablus in the West Bank, according to his son, Ibrahim al-Amer, who spoke to CPJ via messaging app, and Al-Shabab local radio in Nablus. The Palestinian press freedom group MADA reported that al-Amer was arrested at 4 a.m. on October 29, after his house was searched and his phone was confiscated. MADA also reported that Al-Amer suffers from health issues, including diabetes, and needs medical care, which was confirmed to CPJ by his son, Ibrahim al-Amer, who said his father wasn’t notified of any charges against him. Nawaf al-Amer was previously arrested in 2011, when he was working as a programs director at the Hamas-affiliated Al-Quds TV channel, and spent 13 months in administrative detention, before he was freed in 2012, according to the Beirut-based press freedom group SKeyes and MADA.

STATUS: Currently imprisoned

Mohammad Badr

On October 28, journalist Mohammad Badr, a reporter and columnist for the Palestinian online website Al-Hadath, gave himself up to the IDF for detention, his wife Soujoud Al-Assi and the Al-Hadath editor-in-chief Rola Sarhan told CPJ. Earlier that month, Israeli forces began to put pressure on Badr’s family to force him to surrender. The pressure began after Badr received a phone call from an Israeli military officer ordering him to return to custody after he had been released from a four-month detention earlier this year even though he had no outstanding charges, according to Palestinian press freedom group MADA. On October 22, Israeli military forces first arrested Badr’s father and two brothers, according to the Beirut-based press freedom group SKeyes and Assi, who spoke to CPJ. Less than a week later, Israeli forces arrested Assi, also a journalist for Al-Hadath, from the couple’s home in Beit Liqya, southwest of Ramallah. During her arrest, Israeli soldiers searched and vandalized their house and seized electronic devices, according to the Palestinian press group MADA. Later that day, Badr turned himself in, Sarhan told CPJ. Assi, Badr’s father, and one of Badr’s brothers have since been released; a second brother is still in detention, Assi told CPJ.

On April 26, Israel’s Ofer military court extended Badr’s administrative detention for another 4 months, according to SKeyes and news reports.

STATUS: Currently imprisoned

Belal Arman

On October 27, The Israel Defense Forces arrested Palestinian freelance journalist Belal Arman, who contributed to the now-banned J-Media news agency, and he was later placed in administrative detention for four months. IDF forces surrounded Arman’s home in the West Bank town of Kharbatha Bani Harith, west of Ramallah, asked him to produce identification and a cell phone, and then arrested him, according to the Palestinian press freedom organization MADA, the Beirut-based press regional freedom organization SKeyes, and the Palestinian Journalists’ Syndicate. Arman’s cousin, Sameh Arman told CPJ that the family has received no information about the reason for his arrest and that on November 9 he was placed in administrative detention for four months.

STATUS: Currently imprisoned

Lama Khater

On October 26, Lama Khater, a freelance writer with Middle East Monitor and the Palestinian news website Felesteen and a political activist, was arrested by the IDF in the city of Hebron, West Bank, her husband Hazem Fakhoury told CPJ, and Al Jazeera and the Beirut-based press freedom group SKeyes reported. Fakhoury said he did not know the reason for his wife’s arrest but that her lawyer had told him that Khater would be transferred to administrative detention—incarceration without charge, alleging that a person plans to commit an offense. Khater was previously arrested in 2018 and detained for more than a year over her critical reporting, according to the Palestine Information Center and the Middle East Monitor. On November 8, Khater’s husband told CPJ via messaging app that soldiers in her cell threatened her with rape and burning of her children. Her lawyer, Hassan Abbadi, who visited her in prison, also wrote about these details on his Facebook page, which was also reported by Al Jazeera. The lawyer told CPJ via phone call that Khater was strip searched, and threatened to be “deported to Gaza.” Khater was released in a prisoner exchange in November 2023.

STATUS: Released

Radwan Qatanani

On October 25, Israeli military forces arrested Palestinian freelance journalist Radwan Qatanani, who covers issues related to Israel’s military occupation for several Palestinian news websites, including Etar, Arabi 21, Hadarat, and the Hamas-affiliated Quds News Network. He was later placed in administrative detention for six months. Israeli military forces searched Qatanani’s home in the Askar Refugee Camp, on the outskirts of the West Bank city of Nablus, in the early morning. When they didn’t find the journalists there they called him and asked him to come home. Qatanani returned to the house and was arrested, Qatanani’s brother, Ali Qatanani, told Palestinian press freedom group MADA. Beirut-based regional press freedom organization SKeyes and the Palestinian Journalists Syndicate also reported on the arrest. Qatanani´s brother told CPJ that Qatanani was being held in Megiddo Prison, in northern Israel, and that the family has been unable to get any information about his condition or the reasons for his arrest.

STATUS: Currently imprisoned

Thaer Fakhoury

On October 20, Israeli military forces arrested Palestinian journalist and producer Thaer Fakhoury. He is being held in administrative detention for six months. Fakhoury is the director of the media production company Space Media, which provides video production services, including to Qatari broadcaster Al Jazeera. He also provides live footage of events in the West Bank on his Facebook account, which has 74,000 followers. He also works as a graphic designer and caricaturist, according to his personal Facebook account. Israeli military forces surrounded Fakhoury´s home in southern Hebron and raided it, according to news reports and a report by the Palestinian press freedom group MADA. Fakhoury´s father told MADA that the journalist and his brother were held in a room and questioned while soldiers searched the house. Soldiers blindfolded and handcuffed Fakhoury, seized his cell phone and his car keys, and took him away in a military jeep parked near his house. A relative who spoke to CPJ on the condition of anonymity said the family believed the arrest was related to Fakhoury’s social media posting.

Fakhoury was released on June 13, 2024, according to a news report by the Palestinian news website Nabd and Instagram posts by Palestinian journalists and news outlets.

STATUS: Released

Musaab Qafesha

On October 20, Israeli military forces arrested Palestinian freelance journalist Musaab Qafesha. He was later placed in administrative detention for six months. Qafesha contributes reporting from Hebron and other West Bank locales to broadcasters and news agencies including Egypt’s Al-Watan TV, Iraq’s Al-Rafidiain TV, Al-Watan News Agency, and the Hamas-affiliated Quds News Network. Qafesha also used to work for the monitoring and documentation team of the Palestinian digital rights group Sada Social. Israeli soldiers surrounded Qafesha’s home in Hebron and urged Qafesha and his brother to come out. As soon as they complied, they were handcuffed, taken to military jeeps and driven away to an unknown destination, according to Palestinian press freedom group MADA, citing another brother, and news reports. On October 26, Qafesha was placed in administrative detention for six months, according to Facebook posts by the official Commission of Detainees Affairs. Qafesha´s father, Khamis Abdulkader Qafesha, told CPJ that he believed his son may have been arrested because of his activity on social media, though he could not identify anything specific that might have drawn scrutiny.

STATUS: Currently imprisoned

Alaa al-Rimawi

On October 19, Palestinian journalist Alaa al-Rimawi, the director of the Israeli-banned J-Media agency, was arrested after turning himself in at Ofer Prison following a raid by Israeli military forces, who entered his home in Ramallah while he was undergoing medical examinations at a hospital, arrested his son, and notified his family that he had to surrender himself to Israeli custody, according to Palestinian press freedom organization MADA, the Lebanese regional press freedom group SKeyes, and a video al-Rimawi posted on TikTok while he was in the hospital. On November 20, al-Rimawi’s wife told CPJ that her husband had been placed in administrative detention for six months, but did not know the exact date the detention began. On October 16, three days prior to al-Rimawi’s arrest at Ofer Prison, the IDF ordered J-Media agency to shut down, according to MADA and the London-based news website The New Arab. Al-Rimawi’s family told CPJ that they believe he is being held over his social media posting, though they didn’t specify which posts.

STATUS: Currently imprisoned

Imad Abu Awad

On October 19, Palestinian journalist and political commentator Imad Abu Awad was arrested by Israeli forces in Ramallah in the Israeli-occupied West Bank. He was later held under administrative detention for six months. Abu Awad provides commentary to international and regional broadcasters including Al Jazeera, Al-Ghad and Al-Qahera News. He also shares video clips of his TV  appearances and comments on his Facebook account, which has over 3,800 followers.  A former program producer for the Hamas-affiliated Al-Quds TV, he directs the Al-Quds Center for Palestinian and Israeli Studies think tank and the U-Smart Center for Training, a training center for Palestinians, in Ramallah. Israeli forces arrested Abu Awad at his office at U-Smart Centre for Training and searched the premises, according to news reports and the Palestinian press freedom group MADA. They seized his cell phone and laptop. Ten days after his arrest, he was placed in administrative detention for six months and transferred to Nafha Prison, outside Beersheba, his brother told CPJ. Abu Awad´s brother told CPJ that the family spoke to Abu Awad in prison and that he is in good health.

STATUS: Currently imprisoned

Abdel Nasser al-Laham

On October 16, Israel Defense Forces arrested Palestinian journalist Abdel Nasser al-Laham, a photographer covering local news for the Ma’an News Agency. He is being held without charge at Ofer Prison. IDF forces broke down the door to al-Laham’s home in the Dheisheh refugee camp, south of Bethlehem, at 6:30 a.m., pointed their guns at the journalist, tied his hands behind his back, and blindfolded him, al-Laham’s father, Mohammad al-Laham told Ma’an, which published a video of soldiers leading the journalist away. Al-Laham´s father told CPJ that his son was questioned about activities during his time at university, though was unable to specify what.

STATUS: Currently imprisoned

Moath Amarneh

On October 16, Israel Defense Forces arrested Palestinian journalist Moath Amarneh, a photographer and cameraman for the West Bank-based J-Media agency, the same day that Israel banned J-Media on security grounds. Amarneh, who lost his left eye to an Israeli rubber bullet while covering protests in 2019, was placed in administrative detention for six months on October 29 in Megiddo Prison and, according to  news reports and MADA, beaten by prison officers. According to the Palestinian press freedom group MADA and news reports, on October 16, 12 Israeli soldiers stormed into Amarneh´s home in the Dheisheh refugee camp, south of Bethlehem, and handcuffed him. One of the soldiers forced Amarneh to speak to an officer over the phone, who asked Amarneh about the nature of his work. When he said that he was a journalist, the officer informed him that he was under arrest for incitement.  He was provided access to a lawyer, who has been able to visit him in prison, according to news reports. Amarneh still suffers severe health conditions and is in need of medicines that weren’t allowed in according to emails from his relatives CPJ received.

STATUS: Currently imprisoned

Mustafa al-Khawaja

On October 16, Israel Defense Forces arrested Palestinian journalist Mustafa al-Khawaja, a reporter for the West Bank-based J-Media Network and the Hamas-affiliated channel Al-Aqsa TV, on October 16. He was later placed in administrative detention for six months. The day of his arrest, Israel banned J-Media on security grounds; Al-Aqsa TV has been banned for several years. Around 20 soldiers broke through the gate of al-Khawaja’s home in Ni’lin, west of Ramallah, at around 3 a.m., according to Palestinian press freedom group MADA, citing an interview with al-Khawaja’s brother, Hamada al-Khawaja, and news reports. Soldiers asked for al-Khawaja’s identification, handcuffed him, seized his mobile phone, and drove him to an unknown destination. He was placed under administrative detention for six months on October 26, news reports said. Al-Khawaja has been given access to a lawyer, but his lawyer told CPJ on November 20 that visits to prisoners aren’t allowed. Al-Khawaja’s lawyer believes he is now held in Megiddo Prison, in northern Israel, but was not able to confirm. Al-Khawaja’s family believes he was arrested because of his social media commentary on the Israel-Gaza war.

STATUS: Currently imprisoned

Sabri Jibril

On October 15, Israel Defense Forces arrested Palestinian journalist Sabri Jibril, a reporter for the West Bank-based J-Media agency, on October 15, 2023, and later placed him in administrative detention. The day after his arrest, Israel banned J-Media on security grounds. Jibril’s brother, who asked not to be named for safety reasons, told CPJ that they believe that the journalist was arrested for his social media commentary on the 2023 Israel-Gaza war, though they did not specify what comments. According to an October 26 Facebook post by the official Commission of Detainees Affairs and Jibril’s brother, Jibril was placed in administrative detention in Megiddo Prison for six months.

STATUS: Currently imprisoned

Editor’s note: Fathi Atkidik, who appeared on the list of arrested earlier, is a former journalist whose arrest may not be related to his previous journalistic work. CPJ has removed his name from the list while we continue to investigate circumstances surrounding his arrest.

Editor’s note: The name of the wife of journalist Amer Abu Arafa has been corrected. Her name is Safa Hroub.

More on journalist casualties in the Israel-Gaza conflict

See our safety resources for journalists covering conflict

]]>
Mohamed Mandour http://cpj.org <![CDATA[Attacks, arrests, threats, censorship: The high risks of reporting the Israel-Gaza war]]> https://cpj.org/?p=324948 2024-07-01T12:28:55Z 2024-07-01T12:28:54Z Since the Israel-Gaza war began on October 7, journalists and media across the region have faced a hostile environment that has made reporting on the war exceptionally challenging.  

In addition to documenting the growing tally of journalists killed and injured, CPJ’s research has found multiple kinds of incidents of journalists being targeted while carrying out their work in Israel and the two Palestinian territories, Gaza and the West Bank.

These include 49 arrests, as well as numerous assaults, threats, cyberattacks, and censorship. As of July 1, CPJ’s records showed that 34 of these journalists were still under arrest.

(Editor’s note: These numbers are being updated regularly as more information becomes available.)

Several journalists have also lost family members while covering the war.

On November 13, eight family members of photojournalist Yasser Qudih were killed when their house in southern Gaza was struck by four missiles, according to Reuters news agency and The Guardian. The incident occurred five days after a November 8 report by HonestReporting—a group that monitors what it describes “ideological prejudice” in media coverage of Israel—raised questions about Qudih and three other Gaza-based photographers having prior knowledge of Hamas’ October 7 attack on Israel. Major media outlets, including Reuters, rejected the claims. HonestReporting subsequently withdrew the accusations, but its report prompted the Israeli prime minister’s office to tweet that the photographers were accomplices in “crimes against humanity” and Israeli war cabinet member Benny Gantz to say they should be treated as terrorists. Qudih survived the attack.

On October 25, Wael Al Dahdouh, Al-Jazeera’s bureau chief for Gaza, lost his wife, son, daughter, and grandson when an Israel airstrike hit the Nuseirat refugee camp in the center of Gaza, according to a statement from Al-Jazeera and Politico. On January 7, the Al-Jazeera bureau chief lost a fifth family member. His son, Hamza Al Dahdouh, a journalist and camera operator for Al-Jazeera, was killed along with a colleague while on their way back to the southern city of Rafah after filming the aftermath of an airstrike when their vehicle was struck by the Israel Defense Forces (IDF), multiple news reports said.

In Gaza, the risks are acute. Israel responded to Hamas’ surprise attack with airstrikes and a ground assault into Gaza, which is controlled by the militant Palestinian group.

CPJ is investigating reports that more than 50 offices in Gaza were damaged, leaving many journalists with no safe place to do their jobs, as they also contend with extensive power and communications outages, food and water shortages, and sometimes have to flee with their families.

In both Gaza and Israel, journalists reporting on the war have indicated they lack personal protective equipment (PPE). CPJ has received multiple requests from freelance journalists seeking PPE, but delivering this equipment to journalists in the region is difficult. CPJ currently recommends journalists consult CPJ’s PPE guide to source their own equipment.

“Journalists in Gaza are facing exponential risk,” said Sherif Mansour, CPJ’s Middle East and North Africa program coordinator. “But their colleagues in the West Bank and Israel are also facing unprecedented threats, assaults, and intimidation to obstruct their vital work covering this conflict.”

Journalists from outlets including the BBC, Al-Jazeera, RT Arabic, and Al-Araby TV have reported obstructions to their reporting by the Israeli police, military, and others since the war began. Some of those incidents include:

Assaults

On June 5, During the annual Jerusalem Day Flag March, which commemorates the capture of East Jerusalem by Israeli forces in the 1967 war, Israeli settlers and far right protesters assaulted Palestinian freelance journalist Saif Kwasmi, who contributes to the local news agency Al-Asiman News, and Israeli journalist Nir Hasson, a reporter for the Israeli daily Haaretz, according to the journalists’ employers, and Kwasmi and Hasson, who spoke to CPJ in person and on the phone on June 5 and 6, respectively. 

On December 18, an Israeli soldier shot Palestinian journalist and freelance photographer Ramez Awad, injuring his thigh, while he was covering Israeli operations in the village of Jaffna, north of the West Bank city of Ramallah, according to the Palestinian Journalists’ Syndicate, the Qatar-funded London-based Pan Arab Newspaper Al-Araby Al-Jadeed, the Palestinian Authority-run Wafa news agency, and the Beirut-based press freedom group SKeyes.

On November 26, several journalists reported being assaulted by Israeli forces while waiting in front of Ofer prison, located between Ramallah and Beituniya, to cover Israel’s release of Palestinian prisoners as part of the Hamas-Israel truce and prisoner exchange agreement, according to the Palestinian Journalists’ Syndicate (PJS), the London-based news website The New Arab, and Al Araby TV. 

Journalists from Sky News Arabia, Firas Lutfi, and Raed El-Helw, who were previously assaulted on October 7, informed PJS that Israeli forces targeted them with tear gas and unidentified bullets while reporting from what they thought was a safe area, away from clashes in front of Ofer prison. They were wearing their media vests and informed the Israeli soldiers that they were members of the media. As a result of this attack, El-Helw was injured in his hand while trying to retrieve his camera and leave the area. El-Helw stated that it was a deliberate sniper attack on him and that he observed a laser light on his hand right before he was targeted. PJS shared footage of interviews with Lutfi and El-Helw, along with another video documenting El-Helw’s injury. PJS added that the crews of TRT and Roya News were present during the attack on the journalists.

In a separate November 26 incident near Ofer prison, Al-Araby TV reporter Fadi Al-Assa, an Al-Araby cameraman and another reporter were also targeted with tear gas canisters and rubber bullets from their position on rooftops in the vicinity of the prison. Al-Assa told The New Arab that an IDF drone flew right above them, and they were clearly identifiable as journalists holding their cameras. Israeli forces entered the house and reached them on the rooftop and searched the journalists. They confiscated the memory card of Al-Araby’s cameraman and forced them to leave at gunpoint, according to The New Arab and Al Araby TV.

On November 17, Al-Jazeera English videographer Joseph Handal was assaulted by Israeli settlers in Bethlehem, West Bank, according to the Palestinian Authority’s official news agency Wafa, the Palestinian News Network, and the Palestinian Journalists’ Syndicate. The attackers smashed the lights and windows of Handal’s car, and hit Handal in the face with a stone before he was taken to a hospital, those sources said.

On November 17, in Jerusalem, reporter Murat Can Ozturk and camera operator Ahmet Bagis of Turkish news channel TRT Haber were assaulted while live on air from the area, covering Israeli forces clashing with Palestinian worshippers at Al-Aqsa mosque in East Jerusalem’s Wadi Al Joz neighborhood. An Israeli border police officer broke the camera with his weapon, according to TRT Haber, Turkey’s Daily Sabah newspaper, and TRT’s manager in Jerusalem, Yalcin Aka, who spoke to CPJ over the phone.

On October 16, journalist and columnist Israel Frey went into hiding after his home was attacked the previous day by a mob of far-right Israelis after he expressed solidarity with Palestinians in Gaza, according to Haaretz and Middle East Eye.

On October 12, BBC Arabic reporters Muhannad Tutunji, Haitham Abudiab, and their team were dragged from their vehicle, searched, and held at gunpoint by police in the Israeli city of Tel Aviv, despite their vehicle being marked “TV” in red tape and Tutunji and Abudiab presenting their press cards to police, the BBC reported. The broadcaster said Tutunji was struck on the neck and his phone was thrown on the ground while trying to film the incident. 

In response, the Israeli police issued a statement, quoted by the BBC, that its officers noticed “a suspicious vehicle and stopped it for inspection” and searched the vehicle “for fear of possession of weapons.”

On October 7, Sky News Arabia said that its team in the southern Israeli city of Ashkelon was assaulted by Israeli police. The channel’s correspondent, Firas Lutfi, said the police pointed rifles at his head, forced him to undress, confiscated their phones, and escorted them out of the area, according to Sky News Arabia and the Cairo-based Alwafd news.

Threats

On November 22, Anas Al-Sharif, a reporter and videographer for Al-Jazeera Arabic in northern Gaza, reported receiving threats from Israeli military officers via the phone, according to Al-Jazeera and the Beirut-based press freedom group SKeyes. Al-Sharif said on Al-Jazeera that he had received multiple phone calls from officers in the Israeli army instructing him to cease coverage and leave northern Gaza. Additionally, he received voice notes on WhatsApp disclosing his location. However, he emphasized his role as one of the few journalists remaining to cover northern Gaza and stated his determination to stay and continue reporting. The Palestinian Journalists’ Syndicate issued a statement expressing concern about the imminent risk faced by journalists in the north, citing threats against some of them, including Al-Sharif.

From November 19-26, journalist Motaz Azaiza received multiple threats from anonymous numbers urging him to cease his coverage in northern Gaza and relocate to the south or flee to Egypt, according to his post on X, formerly Twitter, and the Amman-based news outlets Roya News and Al Bawaba. Azaiza has been reporting on the war via his Instagram account, which has over 14 million followers, and has gained significant recognition in the media, as his coverage has provided a window from Gaza to the world.

On November 5, a team of journalists from the German public broadcaster ARD, including ARD correspondent Jan-Christoph Kitzler, accompanied by a Palestinian and a German network employee, were returning from reporting on violence by settlers against Palestinians in the West Bank. They were stopped by Israeli soldiers south of the Palestinian city of Hebron. The soldiers threatened the journalists with their weapons, and even questioned whether they were Jewish, according to the German television news service Tagesschau and Haaretz. One team member was also called a traitor, according to the same sources. Kitzler posted a photo on the social media platform X, showing one of the soldiers aiming a gun towards him. Kitzler attributed the soldiers’ aggression to the team reporting on increasing settler violence against Palestinians in the West Bank, writing in his post that “it’s noteworthy that many of the soldiers in that area are settlers themselves, creating an environment where journalists are generally unwelcome.”

Christian Limpert, the head of the ARD Tel Aviv studio, also called the incident as an attempt to obstruct ARD and other international media from reporting in the West Bank, according to Tagesschau and Haaretz.

After more than an hour, the situation eased when the IDF’s Foreign Desk, responsible for foreign correspondents, mediated by telephone. Haaretz reported that the IDF apologized and stated its commitment to ensuring freedom of the press in the West Bank. Limpert reported that days before this incident, soldiers detained an ARD cameraman and his soundman for two hours from reporting on settler violence near Qawawis in South Hebron. During that incident, their phones and camera were temporarily confiscated, according to Haaretz and the Foreign Press Association in Israel (FPA)’s statement.

On October 30, Al-Jazeera’s Gaza Strip correspondent Youmna El-Sayed told the broadcaster that her husband received a threatening phone call from a private number from a man who identified himself as a member of the IDF and told the family “to leave or die,” according to the advocacy group Women In Journalism and CNN Arabic. El-Sayed told Al-Jazeera English that she felt it was too risky to drive on any road in Gaza, especially as two cars had been shelled by a tank earlier in the day and that the previous time her family had tried to flee Gaza City, they had been forced to turn back because of Israel’s bombardment of southern Gaza.

On October 15, RT Arabic correspondent Dalia Nammari and her crew, who held Israeli press cards, were stopped by Israeli police at the border for identity checks, according to RT Arabic and the Palestinian Journalists’ Syndicate. One officer threatened Dalia with his weapon and they warned the crew not to return to the location or else they risked arrest, those sources said.

On October 15, a video posted by Al-Araby TV depicted an Israeli police officer shouting and swearing at their correspondent while he was reporting live from Ashdod in southern Israel. The journalist said on air that the officer was armed.

On October 14, Al-Jazeera shared footage from an area in southern Israel near the Gaza Strip, known as the Gaza envelope, showing four IDF soldiers ordering Al-Jazeera journalists to stop filming and leave the area immediately. The incident was also covered by Arabia News 24.

CPJ’s emails requesting comment on these incidents from the IDF spokesperson for North America and the Israeli police did not receive any replies.

Cyberattacks

On November 11, the Palestinian Journalists’ Syndicate announced that its website had been subjected to cyberattacks. The syndicate added that they believed it was a targeted attack due to their role in reporting on crimes committed against journalists, according to the syndicate and Rania Khayyat, who was working for the syndicate and spoke with CPJ.

On November 10, Plestia Alaqad, a Palestinian journalist whose Instagram reporting from Gaza has been featured by NBC News and The New York Times, said on X, formerly Twitter, that she had experienced multiple hacking incidents on her Instagram account. This was also reported by Sinar Daily. Several other journalists reporting from Gaza through Instagram also reported hacking attempts. Journalist Yara Eid suggested that these incidents might be politically motivated cyberattacks aimed at undermining the credibility and work of Palestinian journalists, according to the Coalition For Women in Journalism and Sinar Daily.

On November 3, Al-Mamlaka TV in Jordan experienced cyberattacks on its website, according to a statement by the channel and the Beirut-based press freedom group SKeyes. The channel said on X, formerly Twitter, that this attack was related to its coverage of the war in Gaza.

On October 31, Al-Jazeera released a statement confirming that its websites and servers were targeted in a cyberattack, attributed to its coverage of the Israel-Gaza war. Al-Jazeera disclosed that certain attackers’ IP addresses were linked to a party actively participating in the ongoing conflict, while other IPs made efforts to mask their true origins, according to Al-Jazeera and the Lebanese news website Al-Modon.

On October 18,  the Palestinian Authority’s official news agency, Wafa, experienced a cyberattack that disrupted its news website, according to Wafa and the Amman-based news outlet Roya News. “This attack is part of a broader effort to suppress Palestinian media and silence platforms of truth,” Wafa said. CPJ was unable to determine who carried out the attack.

On October 9, The Jerusalem Post reported that its website was down due to a series of cyberattacks the previous day. The group Anonymous Sudan claimed responsibility for these attacks on Telegram, Axios and Time magazine reported.

Censorship

On November 23, Israeli Communications Minister Shlomo Karhi proposed a government resolution to cease any state advertising, subscriptions, or other commercial connections with the Haaretz daily newspaper, according to Haaretz and The Times of Israel. He cited what he described as the publication’s “defeatist and false propaganda” against the State of Israel during wartime. However, the Cabinet did not approve the proposal, likely due to criticism from the Union of Journalists, which slammed it as “harmful to freedom of the press” and a “populist” maneuver to curry favor with the political base. Karhi, who led efforts to pass emergency regulations to shut down foreign broadcasters deemed harmful to national security, also included domestic media in his initial draft, the Times of Israel reported.

On November 12, Israel’s security cabinet approved a decision to shut down the Lebanon-based broadcaster and the Hezbollah-affiliated Al-Mayadeen TV in Israel. This move aligned with emergency regulations passed last month, enabling the government to close foreign news outlets deemed to be harming national security, as reported by the Jerusalem Post and The Times of Israel. According to these sources, the Israeli Communications Minister Shlomo Karhi was authorized to order the channel’s Israel offices closed and its equipment confiscated.

On November 8, the Israeli Knesset passed an amendment to the Counter-Terrorism Law, introducing a new criminal offense called the “consumption of terrorist materials,” with a maximum penalty of one year’s imprisonment, according to Al-Jazeera and The Times of Israel. The amendment adds a new offense to Article 24 of Israel’s Counter-Terrorism Law, described as the “systematic and continuous consumption of publications of a terrorist organization under circumstances that indicate identification with the terrorist organization.” Several human rights organizations have raised concerns about the ramifications of the law on freedom of expression, press freedom, and journalists. The law’s broad terms could potentially be weaponized against journalists who rely on consuming information from entities or sources designated as “terrorist” by Israel, compromising their work.

On October 30, Rolling Stone magazine announced that the Israeli government denied a press credential to its journalist Jesse Rosenfeld, who has covered Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s administration critically.  “Rolling Stone is not a news organization and we are not dealing with this gentleman, thank you,” Ron Paz, Israel’s director of foreign press, told Rolling Stone on Monday, according to Rolling Stone and The Wrap entertainment website.

On October 29, Israeli authorities shut down Dream radio station, which is based in Hebron, the largest city in the West Bank, on the grounds that it was disrupting the movement of their aircraft, according to the Palestinian Authority’s official news agency Wafa, Palestinian news agency Maan, and the Palestinian Journalists’ Syndicate. The director of the station Talab Al-Jaabari told CPJ that “the head of the Israeli intelligence called me and threatened me with confiscation of equipment. There was no official order.” Dream was previously closed by the IDF in 2015 and 2022

On October 16, Israel proposed new emergency regulations that would allow it to halt media broadcasts that harm “national morale.” Officials have threatened to close Al-Jazeera’s local offices under this proposed rule, and to block the global news outlet from freely reporting on the war.

On October 16, the IDF ordered the West Bank-based J-Media agency to shut down, according to the Palestinian press freedom group MADA and the London-based news website The New Arab. In a statement, the IDF described the media outlet as “an illegal organization” and said its closure was necessary for “the sake of the security of the State of Israel and for the safety of the public and public order,” those sources said, adding that J-Media complied and ceased its operations immediately. J-Media provides footage and media services to broadcasters and covers Palestinian news, according to the Beirut-based press freedom group SKeyes and CPJ’s review of its website.

Obstruction

On May 11, Israeli police officers briefly detained an Al-Araby TV crew consisting of reporter Ahmed Darawsha and camera operator Ali Mohamad Dowani when they were covering a demonstration in Tel Aviv for the release of the Israeli hostages taken by Hamas on October 7, according to the journalists’ employerfootage posted on social media by eyewitnesses, and Dowani, who spoke to CPJ via messaging app on May 12. 

“While we were covering anti-war demonstrations in Tel Aviv, we were detained for two hours and prevented from working under the pretext that we are affiliated with Al Jazeera, which is banned in Israel, just because we spoke Arabic,” Dowani said. 

Footage of the incident shows Israeli police officers checking the journalists’ press cards and Darawsha holding a microphone with the logo of Al-Araby TV.  


More on journalist casualties in the Israel-Gaza conflict

See our safety resources for journalists covering conflict

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CPJ Africa Program Staff <![CDATA[Fleeing prolonged media crackdown, Ethiopian journalists struggle in exile]]> https://cpj.org/?p=397339 2024-06-26T18:39:26Z 2024-06-18T20:23:37Z When Belete Kassa’s friend and news show co-host Belaye Manaye was arrested in November 2023 and taken to the remote Awash Arba military camp known as the “Guantanamo of the desert,” Belete feared that he might be next.

The two men co-founded the YouTube-based channel Ethio News in 2020, which had reported extensively on a conflict that broke out between federal forces and the Fano militia in the populous Amhara region in April 2023, a risky move in a country with a history of stifling independent reporting.  

Belaye was swept up in a crackdown against the press after the government declared a state of emergency in August 2023 in response to the conflict.

After months in hiding, Belete decided to flee when he heard from a relative that the government had issued a warrant for his arrest. CPJ was unable to confirm whether such an order was issued.

“Freedom of expression in Ethiopia has not only died; it has been buried,” Belete said in his March 15 farewell post on Facebook. “Leaving behind a colleague in a desert detention facility, as well as one’s family and country, to seek asylum, is immensely painful.” (Belaye and others have been released this month after the state of emergency expired.)

Belete’s path into exile is one that has been trod by dozens of other Ethiopian journalists who have been forced to flee harassment and persecution in a country where the government has long maintained a firm grip on the media. Over the decades, CPJ has documented waves of repression and exile tied to reporting on events like protests after the 2005 parliamentary election and censorship of independent media and bloggers ahead of the 2015 vote.

In 2018, the Ethiopian press enjoyed a short-lived honeymoon when all previously detained journalists were released and hundreds of websites unblocked after Abiy Ahmed became prime minister.

But with the 2020 to 2022 civil war between rebels from the Tigray region and the federal government, followed by the Amhara conflict in 2023, CPJ has documented a rapid return to a harsh media environment, characterized by arbitrary detentions and the expulsion of international journalists.

A burned tank stands near the town of Adwa in Ethiopia’s Tigray region on March 18, 2021. (Photo: Reuters/Baz Ratner)

CPJ is aware of at least 54 Ethiopian journalists and media workers who have gone into exile since 2020, and has provided at least 30 of them with emergency assistance. Most of the journalists fled to neighboring African countries, while a few are in Europe and North America. In May and June 2024, CPJ spoke to some of these exiled journalists about their experiences. Most asked CPJ not to reveal how they escaped Ethiopia or their whereabouts and some spoke on condition of anonymity, citing fears for their safety or that of family left behind.

CPJ’s request for comment to government spokesperson Legesse Tulu via messaging app and an email to the office of the prime minister did not receive any response.

Under ‘house arrest’ due to death threats

Guyo Wariyo, a journalist with the satellite broadcaster Oromia Media Network was detained for several weeks in 2020 as the government sought to quell protests over the killing of ethnic Oromo singer Hachalu Hundessa. Authorities sought to link the musician’s assassination with Guyo’s interview with him the previous week, which included questions about the singer’s political opinions.

Following his release, Guyo wanted to get out of the country but leaving was not easy. Guyo said that the first three times he went to Addis Ababa’s Bole International Airport, National Intelligence and Security Service agents refused to let him board, saying his name was on a government list of individuals barred from leaving Ethiopia.

Guyo eventually left in late 2020. But, more than three years later, he still feels unsafe.

In exile, Guyo says he has received several death threats from individuals that he believes are affiliated with the Ethiopian government, via social media as well as local and international phone numbers. One of the callers even named the neighborhood where he lives. 

“I can describe my situation as ‘house arrest,’” said Guyo, who rarely goes out or speaks to friends and family back home in case their conversations are monitored.

Transnational repression is a growing risk globally. Ethiopia has long reached across borders to seize refugees and asylum seekers in neighboring Kenya, Uganda, Somalia, and South Sudan, and targeted those further afield, including with spyware.

Ethiopians fleeing from the Tigray region register as refugees at the Hamdeyat refugee transit camp in Sudan, on December 1, 2020. (Photo: Reuters/Baz Ratner)

Journalists who spoke to CPJ said they fear transnational repression, citing the 2023 forcible return of The Voice of Amhara’s Gobeze Sisay from Djibouti to face terrorism charges. He remains in prison, awaiting trial and a potential death penalty.

“We know historically that Ethiopian intelligence have been active in East Africa and there is a history of fleeing people being attacked here in Kenya,” Nduko o’Matigere, Head of Africa Region at PEN International, the global writers’ association that advocates for freedom of expression, told CPJ.

Several of the journalists exiled in Africa told CPJ that they did not feel their host countries could protect them from Ethiopian security agents.

“The shadow of fear and threat is always present,” said one reporter, describing the brief period he lived in East Africa before resettling in the United States.

‘We became very scared’

Woldegiorgis Ghebrehiwet Teklay felt at risk in Kenya, after he fled there in December 2020 following the arrest of a colleague at the now-defunct Awlo Media Center.

As with Guyo, Woldegiorgis’s initial attempt to leave via Addis Ababa failed. Airport security personnel questioned him about his work and ethnicity and accused him of betraying his country with his journalism, before ordering him to return home, to wait for about a week amid investigations.

When Woldegiorgis finally reached the Kenyan capital, he partnered with other exiled Ethiopian journalists to set up Axumite Media. But between November 2021 and February 2022, Axumite was forced to slow down its operations, reducing the frequency of publication and visibility of its journalists as it was hit by financial and security concerns, especially after two men abducted an Ethiopian businessman from his car during Nairobi’s evening rush hour.

“It might be a coincidence but after that  businessman was abducted on the street we became very scared,” said Woldegiorgis who moved to Germany the following year on a scholarship for at-risk academics and relaunched the outlet as Yabele Media.

‘An enemy of the state’

Tesfa-Alem Tekle was reporting for the Nairobi-based Nation Media Group when he had to flee in 2022, after being detained for nearly three months on suspicion of having links with Tigrayan rebels.

He kept contributing to the Nation Media Group’s The EastAfrican weekly newspaper in exile until 2023, when a death threat was slipped under his door.

“Stop disseminating in the media messages which humiliate and tarnish our country and our government’s image,” said the threat, written in Amharic, which CPJ reviewed. “If you continue being an enemy of the state, we warn you for the last time that a once-and-for-all action will be taken against you.”

Tesfa-Alem moved houses, reported the threat to the police, and hoped he would soon be offered safety in another country. But more than two years after going to exile, he remains in limbo, waiting to hear the outcome of his application for resettlement.

Last year, only 158,700 refugees worldwide were resettled in third countries, representing just a fraction of the need, according to the U.N. refugee agency UNHCR; that included 2,289 Ethiopians, said UNHCR global spokesperson Olga Sarrado Mur in an email to CPJ. The need is only growing: “UNHCR estimates that almost 3 million refugees will be in need of resettlement in 2025, including over 8,600 originating from Ethiopia,” Sarrado Mur said. 

“Unfortunately, there are very limited resettlement places available worldwide, besides being a life-saving intervention for at-risk refugees,” said Sarrado Mur.

Without a stable source of income, Tesfa-Alem said he was living “in terrible conditions,” with months of overdue rent.

“Stress, lack of freedom of movement, and economic reasons: all these lead me to depression and even considering returning home to face the consequences,” he said, voicing a frustration shared by all of the journalists that spoke to CPJ about the complexities and delays they encountered navigating the asylum system.

‘No Ethiopian security services will knock on my door’

Most of the journalists who spoke to CPJ described great difficulties in returning to journalism. A lucky few have succeeded.

Yayesew Shimelis, founder of the YouTube channel Ethio Forum whose reporting was critical of the Ethiopian government, was arrested multiple times between 2019 and 2022.

In 2021, he was detained for 58 days, one of a dozen journalists and media workers held incommunicado at Awash Sebat, another remote military camp in Ethiopia’s Afar state. The following year, he was abducted by people who broke into his house, blindfolded him, and held him in an unknown location for 11 days.

“My only two options were living in my beloved country without working my beloved job; or leaving my beloved country and working my beloved job,” he told CPJ. 

At Addis Ababa airport in 2023, he said he was interrogated for two hours about his destination and the purpose of his trip. He told officials he was attending a wedding and promised to be back in two weeks. When his flight took off, Yayesaw was overwhelmed with relief and sadness to be “suddenly losing my country.”

“I was crying, literally crying, when the plane took off,” he told CPJ. “People on the plane thought I was going to a funeral.”

In exile, Yayesew feels “free”. He continues to run Ethio Forum and even published a book about Prime Minister Abiy earlier this year.

“Now I am 100% sure that no Ethiopian security services will knock on my door the morning after I publish a critical report,” he said.

But for Belete, only three months on from his escape, such peace remains a distant dream.

He struggles to afford food and rent and worries who he can trust.

“When I left my country, although I was expecting challenges, I was not prepared for how tough it would be,” he told CPJ.

Belete says it’s difficult to report on Ethiopia from abroad and that sometimes he must choose between doing the work he loves and making a living.

“I find myself in a state of profound uncertainty about my future,” said Belete. “I am caught between the aspiration to pursue my journalism career and the necessity of leading an ordinary life to secure my livelihood”.

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John Otis <![CDATA[Drug-related violence fuels an exodus of Ecuador’s press]]> https://cpj.org/?p=396674 2024-06-24T21:04:25Z 2024-06-18T14:17:32Z On the only radio station in the remote Ecuadorian town of Baeza, morning show host Juan Carlos Tito updates listeners on the weather, recent power outages, and repairs to a bridge spanning a nearby river. For the last 24 years, Tito, 53, has been the trusted voice of Radio Selva, broadcasting important community news to this town of 2,000 in the Andean highlands. 

But now, Tito’s voice is beamed into Baeza from abroad.

After investigating drug gangs in and around Baeza, he received several death threats last year. So, in October, he and his wife and show producer Elvira del Pilar Nole, and their two children jammed their suitcases into the back of a borrowed car and escaped from Baeza in the dead of night. 

“We were absolutely sure that within the next 24 to 48 hours they were going to attack us,” Nole said. “So, we had to escape.”

Now, they transmit their two-hour morning program, “Buenos Días, América,” from the kitchen table of their cramped apartment in a smoggy, traffic-choked Latin American city which they declined to name out of fears for their safety.  Explaining why she and Tito continue to broadcast from abroad, Nole, 42, says: “We are like an umbilical cord for Baeza because we are the only ones providing local news.”

Tito and Nole have joined a growing exodus of journalists from the South American nation. An outbreak of drug-related violence has led to a surge in threats against journalists, César Ricaurte, the director of Quito-based press freedom group Fundamedios, told CPJ. He said that 16 members of the press have fled Equador since 2023, according to Fundamedios records.

“It has become a regular occurrence due to the rise of organized crime,” Ricaurte said in a phone interview. “Any reporting that that these groups think will hurt their businesses leads to threats and attacks on journalists.” 

Ecuadorian journalists are not the only ones on the run. Across the world, journalists are fleeing direct threats, war, and repressive regimes. Between 2020 and 2023, CPJ’s support to exiled journalists jumped by 227%, with journalists from Afghanistan, Iran, and Nicaragua making up the largest shares of exiled media members to receive help. 

“When a journalist is forced into exile, journalism suffers,” wrote CPJ Emergencies Director Lucy Westcott last year. “Many journalists cease reporting when they relocate, and readers, viewers, and listeners are robbed of the information they need to make informed decisions about their lives.” 

One recent prominent Ecuadorian journalist to pack his bags is José Luis Calderón, a reporter and on-air host for TC Televisión who was held hostage by masked gunmen when they briefly occupied the public TV station in Guayaquil on January 9. During a live newscast, viewers watched as Calderón, 48, tried to reason with the intruders who pointed guns at the journalist, placed a stick of dynamite in his jacket pocket, and threatened to kill his colleagues if police intervened.

“I was trying to calm down the gunmen because we were all in danger,” Calderón told CPJ in a phone interview. “My coworkers were pleading for their lives.” 

Ecuador’s TC Televisión station journalist José Luis Calderón fled the country after gunmen stormed into a studio during a live TV broadcast. (Photo: Reuters/Vicente Gaibor del Pino)

Eventually, police arrested the gunmen, but the episode had a devastating impact on Calderón. He told CPJ that he became anxious and paranoid, sought psychiatric help, and was diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder. Maintaining that TC Televisión could not guarantee his safety, he quit his job and in April left Ecuador for the United States, where he is seeking political asylum.

“I had to leave because I was in really bad shape,” Calderón said. “My mental health was at stake.”

A CPJ special report published last year found that political turmoil combined with rising organized crime in Ecuador have put journalists at much greater risk, leading to self-censorship among reporters working in high-risk areas, and prompting some to leave the country.

Over the past decade, the country’s drug-trafficking gangs have become increasingly violent while turning Ecuador into a major transit point for cocaine from neighboring Colombia, according to Insight Crime. Between 2019 and 2023, the homicide rate increased by more than 500 percent, according to the independent Ecuadorian Observatory on Organized Crime. 

Following the armed takeover of TC Televisión in January, President Daniel Noboa, who was elected last year on a law-and-order platform, declared a state of “internal armed conflict” against 22 criminal gangs. Since then, overall killings have decreased but extortions and kidnappings have risen and “the security situation remains dire,” according to Human Rights Watch.

Ecuador’s two main gangs, known as Los Choneros and Los Lobos, control many of the country’s prisons and work in concert with Colombian and Mexican cartels as well as corrupt Ecuadorian officials. Ecuadorian prosecutors say that members of Los Lobos planned last year’s assassination of presidential candidate and former journalist Fernando Villavicencio, who had vowed to crack down on gangs.

Journalists reporting on gangs are usually the ones who get threatened, says Karol Noroña, who used to write for the Ecuadorian news site GK. Her troubles began when she began investigating how gang leaders control penitentiaries and run illicit businesses from behind bars. After one of her sources told her that a gang leader was threatening to kill her, Noroña fled Ecuador in April 2022.

“The gangs realized I was not on their side,” Noroña told CPJ in a phone interview. “That’s why I had to go into exile.”

She has split her time between Bogotá and Buenos Aires but says life in exile is sad, depressing, and expensive. 

“The hardest part is getting uprooted,” she said. “I never wanted to leave the country. Not being able to work took away the most important thing in my life.” 

Detainees, weapons, and drugs are shown at a police station in the aftermath of a wave of violence in Guayaquil, Ecuador, on January 11, 2024. (Photo: Reuters/Ivan Alvarado)

Noroña and other Ecuadorian journalists who have gone into exile told CPJ they’ve received some help from independent groups, like Fundamedios. (CPJ has also provided journalists assistance grants to reporters from Ecuador.) But these journalists complain that government officials in Ecuador have shown zero interest in their plight.

Last year, Ecuador’s government created a “protection mechanism” made up of government officials, civilians, and independent media workers to support at-risk journalists. But Ricardo Rivas, president of the mechanism, told CPJ that the government has so far refused to provide it with any money despite a budget request for about $66,000 to protect media workers. 

“The government talks about the importance of freedom of expression and respect for the press, but in practice it’s not interested,” said Rivas, whose brother, photographer Paúl Rivas, was kidnapped and killed by Colombian guerrillas in 2018. 

Carlos Lauría, author of the CPJ special report on Ecuador and currently executive director of the Inter-American Press Association, said it’s imperative for Ecuador’s government to fund the protection mechanism. In a phone interview with CPJ, he added that the forced exodus of so many journalists — as well as self-censorship by those who remain in the country — had badly damaged press freedom in Ecuador. 

“This is a huge blow for Ecuadorians who need access to vital information in order to debate the country’s problems and make informed decisions,” Lauría told CPJ.

Irene Vélez, the government’s secretary of communications, did not respond to CPJ’s text messages seeking comment. 

The longer journalists remain in exile, the harder it can be for them to remain in the profession, says Ricaurte of Fundamedios. Calderón, for example, is living in Miami, unemployed, and wondering if he’ll ever again find work as a journalist.

“I feel more at peace living in the U.S.,” he says. “But now I have to start my career over, from scratch.”

For Tito and Nole, the husband-and-wife team running Radio Selva from exile, the station keeps them linked to Ecuador and doing the work they love. That’s why from Monday through Friday, they rise at dawn to gather information via phone interviews, chat groups, and social media to keep their morning news show alive.

One subject they no longer cover is drug trafficking. Indeed, their problems began two years ago when Tito, at the urging of local residents whose children were becoming addicting to cocaine, began investigating who was selling drugs in and around Baeza. 

Soon after, burglars broke into Tito and Nole’s house in Baeza and stole their laptops and cell phones. A lawyer who defends gang members warned that they should leave Baeza. To emphasize the point, a man on a motorcycle threatened Tito.

“He lifted up his shirt and showed me his gun,” Tito said. “He called me a ‘toad’ [a police informer] and said: ‘If you keep publishing this stuff, you will see what will happen.’” 

When the family, which includes two daughters ages 13 and 8, decided to flee, they initially moved to another town in Ecuador last October. But when the menacing phone calls didn’t stop, they left the country in January. 

Few people know their whereabouts. Indeed, Baeza residents and town officials are sometimes puzzled when Tito and Nole insist on telephone rather than in-person interviews for their radio program. But they prefer to be discreet about their location. Should people in Baeza find out that the journalists were forced out, they may feel too afraid to speak with them, Nole says. 

It’s unclear how long the family can keep up the charade. They will have to return to Ecuador by the end of the year if they want to renew their government license to operate Radio Selva. It’s also difficult to drum up advertising when they can’t go door-to-door to win over prospective clients. 

But Tito and Nole acknowledge that it’s unlikely security will improve in Ecuador anytime soon or that the drug gangs in and around Baeza will go away. Meanwhile, the journalists have applied for political asylum in the country where they are staying and are mulling proposals from the U.N. refugee agency to relocate to a country even farther away from Ecuador.  

However, such a move would mean unplugging Radio Selva for good. And if that happens, Nole said, “it means that the bad guys win.” 

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Attila Mong <![CDATA[Hostile climate intensifies for Slovak press after PM Fico shooting]]> https://cpj.org/?p=395198 2024-06-12T14:24:27Z 2024-06-12T14:24:26Z The day after Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico was shot on May 15, the heads of 27 news outlets condemned the attack and called on politicians not to further divide society by looking for culprits.

“Just like after the murder of our colleague Ján Kuciak and his fiancée Martina Kušnírová, we are once again at a crossroads,” they said in a joint statement, referencing the 2018 killing of Kuciak, likely in retaliation for his journalism on corruption. “This heinous act must not trigger further aggression, verbal attacks and revenge … We must all try to defuse the situation. Otherwise, tension and violence will escalate.”

In Slovakia, journalists have long endured verbal attacks and harassment from across the political spectrum, including under the pro-Western administration that ruled before Fico returned to power for the fourth time in October 2023.

But the editors’ May 16 warning seems to have fallen on deaf ears.

During CPJ’s latest visit to Slovakia, representatives met with journalists, press freedom advocates, and diplomats in the days surrounding the attack, who described the atmosphere as “depressing,” “toxic,” and “unprecedented.” Several said they saw the attempt on the prime minister’s life as a new chapter in the government’s war on the media. 

On May 18, six newsrooms were threatened with arson in the comments section of a YouTube video by the far-right conspiracy theorist Daniel Bombic, who encouraged the threat, according to Mapping Media Freedom, a project of European press freedom organizations which tracks, monitors, and reacts to violations of press and media freedom in EU member states and candidate countries.

YouTube has since taken down the video and canceled Bombic’s channel for violating the platform’s guidelines.

Bombic, who lives in London, has a huge social media following and is wanted by Slovak authorities on extremism charges. He has hosted senior politicians on YouTube and uses his popular Telegram channel to harass and smear journalists.

CPJ was unable to find contact details to request comment from Bombic.

Since the May 15 attack, the police have worked with half a dozen newsrooms to bolster their security, a government official with knowledge of the situation told CPJ on condition of anonymity as they were not authorized to speak publicly.

Politicians make retaliatory threats against the media

Almost immediately after the attempted assassination, members of the ruling coalition blamed the attack on journalists by linking it to their critical coverage and issued retaliatory threats. 

Robert Fico speaks with a journalist after a televised debate, prior to the parliamentary election in Bratislava, Slovakia, on September 26, 2023.
Robert Fico speaks with a journalist after a televised debate, prior to the parliamentary election in Bratislava, Slovakia, on September 26, 2023. (Photo: Reuters/Radovan Stoklasa)

“This is your fault,” said Ľuboš Blaha, a deputy speaker of parliament and a member of Fico’s Smer party, who has used social media to accuse the press of bias and to smear journalists. “You, the liberal media, the political opposition, what hatred you spread against Robert Fico, you built the gallows for him,” he told reporters before the prime minister was discharged from hospital later in May.

Andrej Danko, leader of the nationalist SNS party, asked reporters, “Are you satisfied now?” and warned that a “political war” had begun and there would be “changes to the media.”

Journalists told CPJ they were not surprised by the vitriol. The environment for the press has taken a nosedive since the 2018 Kuciak murder, which triggered Slovakia’s biggest protests since the 1989 Velvet Revolution. The demonstrators called for an investigation into the journalist’s killing and an election, forcing the then-Prime Minister Fico to resign within weeks.

While in opposition, Fico ramped up his anti-media rhetoric against independent media, which he has long been openly aggressive towards given journalists’ exposure of multiple scandals within his party. Fico successfully used disinformation channels to win popularity by spreading COVID-19 conspiracies.

A 2023 study by the Bratislava-based think tank Globsec found that only 37% of Slovaks trusted the media, compared to 53% in neighboring Czech Republic — reflecting an environment that has been toxic for many years. Numerous politicians have benefited from attacking journalists, a populist call that resonates with a segment of the Slovak public.

In November, the prime minister described four leading outlets as “enemies” in a Facebook video and his office said that it would stop communicating with them because of their “hostile political attitudes.”

In his first video address since the attack, apparently recorded at home and posted on Facebook on June 5, Fico laid the blame for the attack on Slovakia’s liberal opposition, the “anti-government media” and foreign-funded NGOs for creating a climate of hatred and intolerance that made the shooting possible, the BBC reported. He said he did not believe the shooting was the act of “a lone lunatic,” without providing further details.

The day after the attempted assassination, 71-year-old Juraj Cintula was charged with attempted murder.The suspected assailant had a mixed past: he was a poet who founded a platform against violence, while also linked to an ultra-nationalist, pro-Russian paramilitary group. He had expressed criticism of Fico and said in a video filmed after his arrest that he disagreed with government’s policy towards the media.

Journalists fear draconian changes ahead

Journalists told CPJ that they feared politicians would use the attack on Fico as a pretext to push through draconian changes.

This month, parliament is expected to pass a law to abolish the public broadcaster Radio and Television of Slovakia (RTVS), which Fico has accused of bias, and give the government more control over its planned successor, Slovak Television and Radio (STVR). A senior Ministry of Culture official, Lukáš Machala — who has questioned whether the Earth is round and denounced the Investigative Center of Ján Kuciak, a journalism nonprofit founded after Kuciak’s killing, as a “plague” for investigating disinformation — has been named as a candidate to lead STVR. 

A man gestures as demonstrators protest against government changes at public broadcaster RTVS in Bratislava, Slovakia, May 2, 2024.
A man gestures as demonstrators protest against government changes at public broadcaster RTVS in Bratislava, Slovakia, on May 2, 2024. (Photo: Reuters/Radovan Stoklasa)

Private TV stations are under pressure too.

TV Markíza, Slovakia’s biggest commercial broadcaster, is in turmoil after the host of its most popular debate show was sacked for airing his personal opinions. Michal Kovačič went off-script and spoke about the daily pressure from politicians and management to censor debates and a “creeping Orbánization” of the media.

“If we don’t stop it now, it will have devastating consequences for Slovak democracy,” Kovačič said, referring to Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, an ally of Fico, whose right-wing government has systematically stifled Hungary’s media, including through forced closure, lawsuits, police harassment, and the use of spyware.

CPJ’s emailed request for comment to the Ministry of Culture, which is responsible for media regulation, did not receive a reply.

Increasingly hostile atmosphere for journalists

Even before the shooting, the atmosphere for the media was tense. Slovakia has become increasingly polarized following the victory of Fico’s Smer party in September’s parliamentary vote and April’s presidential election on a pro-Russian, anti-Western platform.

Tensions have risen with mass protests this year over government moves to take control of the public broadcaster RTVS and to close down a special anti-corruption prosecutor’s office that was in charge of the investigation into Kuciak’s murder, as well as pursuing cases involving Fico and his allies.

Journalists told CPJ that they were facing an “orchestrated pattern” of abuse, with politicians verbally attacking reporters in public and online, and their supporters then amplifying their messages on social media. Many felt that the aggressive political rhetoric was worse than before Kuciak’s murder and several expressed fears that such insults could easily escalate into physical violence once again.

Matúš Kostolný, editor-in-chief of the independent Dennik N daily, one of the four “unwelcome” outlets banned from government buildings, told CPJ that the atmosphere was now “more aggressive and more toxic” than after Kuciak’s 2018 murder and he had witnessed an uptick in hateful rhetoric targeting his staff in the last couple of months.

“We can see its impact in our email boxes and social media accounts,” he said.

In the first 100 days of 2024, the Investigative Center of Ján Kuciak recorded 20 online attacks against journalists. The center said that 11 of these incidents took place after politicians made negative comments about those individuals.

“Politicians not only fail to condemn these attacks on the media, but increasingly contribute to the hostile environment for journalists,” Lukáš Diko, the head of the center and a longtime journalist.  

“We are not only targeted by politicians, but also by their supporters, both on social media and sometimes also in person. This is leading many to self-censor or to leave the profession.”

Women no longer feel safe working in the media

Women journalists have been particularly affected.

“I have learned many synonyms for prostitutes,” said Beata Balogová, editor-in-chief of daily SME newspaper, describing the surge in sexualized, aggressive hate speech she has received via social media and email in recent months.

“Female journalists have become more cautious,” the prominent veteran journalist told CPJ, referring to the decisions women now make about what stories are safe to publish and where they can go without fear of being verbally abused or attacked.

Her colleague, Zuzana Kovačič Hanzelová, announced in February that she was taking time out to “escape the hate” because she no longer felt safe walking down the street following the publication of her address and phone number and constant online smears.

“My boundaries of what is normal have shifted to the point that it feels like a normal Friday when people wish to rape me and would like to hang me,” she wrote in her farewell column in SME. 

Justice remains elusive for Kuciak

The lack of justice for Kuciak has exacerbated the press’s insecurity.

On CPJ’s trip to Slovakia, representatives met Kuciak’s parents, Jozef and Jana Kuciak, at a memorial to their son in Bratislava’s historic Old Town, where passersby greeted the two, well known for their tireless fight against impunity for their 27-year-old son’s death.

“Keep it up,” one woman encouraged the couple.

CPJ EU representative Tom Gibson (left), CPJ Europe representative Attila Mong, Jozef, and Jana Kuciak stand in front of a memorial to Ján Kuciak in Bratislava on May 16.
CPJ EU representative Tom Gibson (left), CPJ Europe representative Attila Mong, Jozef, and Jana Kuciak stand in front of a memorial to Ján Kuciak in Bratislava on May 16. (Photo: CPJ)

Kuciak is widely believed to have been targeted in retaliation for his reporting on corruption for the news website Aktuality. His last story looked at transactions by firms linked to businessman Marián Kočner connected to a luxury apartment scandal.

Despite the conviction of four hitmen and intermediaries, Kočner has twice been found not guilty of masterminding the killings. The Supreme Court has yet to announce a date to hear the appeal against Kočner’s 2023 acquittal, filed by state prosecutors.

Jozef Kuciak also saw warning signs for an era of renewed violence in the prime minister’s shooting.

“I am horrified that something like this could happen again,” said Jozef Kuciak, who is retired but often travels with his wife from their remote village to meet with lawyers, journalists, activists, and politicians to lobby for justice.

He said he had hoped that his son’s death would remind Slovakians to shun violence, whatever their differences, because “human life is just so valuable and cannot be replaced.”

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Abu Bakr Bashir <![CDATA[I was a journalist in Gaza. The place I call home is gone now.]]> https://cpj.org/?p=392947 2024-06-06T20:54:22Z 2024-06-06T17:44:10Z I was 13 when my father moved our family from Libya back to my parents’ hometown of Deir al-Balah in central Gaza. It was 1994, a time of optimism. Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization had signed the Oslo Accords and Palestinians were heading toward an independent state. Gaza, with its successful businesspeople and its young, skilled workforce, was a central part of that project.

Palestinians celebrating the signing of the Oslo Accord’s Gaza-Jericho implementation agreement surround an Israeli police car on May 4, 1994 as they wave flowers and olive branches. (Photo: Reuters)

But over my 25 years in Gaza – 15 as a journalist – I watched how years of blockade and war eroded life in the strip. Now, with the ongoing war, the place where I grew up, went to school, made friends, fell in love, formed a family, and buried my father has been destroyed. The one place I will always call home is gone

These days, I live and work in London, where I moved in 2019. Like most journalists, my biggest professional worry is meeting deadlines. It’s nothing like Gaza, where handling the stress of life and death calculations and maintaining balanced relations with all the conflicting parties in and around the strip were always my top priorities.

The conflicting parties were Israel, which maintained a stranglehold on Gaza despite the 2005 withdrawal of settlements and troops, and Hamas, the de facto government, which based its legitimacy on its victory in the 2006 Palestinian elections and its claim that it had pushed Israel out. After those elections, amid Western pressure, Hamas and its rival Fatah agreed to form a unity government. But in 2007, Hamas took over Gaza. The Fatah-run Palestinian Authority was yet another conflicting party as it continued to claim that it was the legitimate authority over Gaza and squeezed the strip economically.

Amid all this, I was taking my first steps in journalism. During the Palestinian uprising known as the second intifada, foreign journalists needed help arranging and translating interviews. A local fixer hired me to accompany foreign journalists for $50 per day – very good money for a person my age with no experience. I only worked one or two days a month, but I was learning.

I soon made contact with the local journalist community. I initially thought they were all as wealthy and influential as the foreign correspondents they helped and frequented expensive cafes and restaurants, but I was naïve: journalists in Gaza belonged to the middle class, if not the lower class. Meeting for knafeh, a local dessert, at the Saqallah shop was a luxury.

When the Abu Al Soud knafeh shop opened, I invited a local journalist there to show respect and admiration. But journalists mostly hung out at the Matouq restaurant, at cafes by the beach, and later at the Press House, a media development nonprofit headed by Bilal Jadallah. Jadallah was killed during the ongoing war and the Press House was flattened. So were the knafeh shops in Gaza City.

As a young reporter, it did not take me long to figure out that reporting about Israel-Palestine for foreign media outlets meant there were restrictions on criticizing Israel in terms of content and language. In almost every single article produced from Gaza, I had to include the lines “Hamas, seen as a terrorist group by the West,” or “Hamas took over Gaza by force,” or, “Hamas is dedicated to the destruction of Israel.” To my editors, these additions were simply part of the structure of any article on Gaza. To my local audience, which felt my reporting was too soft and failed to show the brutality and cruelty of the occupation, these lines amounted to bias. And to me, they were a perfect prescription for inducing stress. I soon became a regular customer for Hamas security having to explain my articles and defend myself.

Abu Bakr Bashir covered the 2018 Gaza border protests, known as the Great March of Return. During the protests an Israeli sniper killed his colleague, photojournalist Yaser Murtaja.

Ironically, the more times you meet the same people, the more “friendly” your relationships become. The challenge was how to make sure these relationships were as friendly as possible in order to save my life and career and to maintain open channels with the de facto authority. But I also had to keep them as formal as possible because I was reporting for international media, and I was not allowed to get too close to authorities.

My relationship with Abu Mustafa embodied this conundrum; he was the Hamas security officer who always questioned me about my reporting. We met so many times that we became “friends.” He was one of the first people I called every time I needed to avoid the chronic bureaucracy in Gaza; in particular, he helped me get permits for visiting foreign press as he had the authority to approve their entry over the phone in just a few seconds. However, Abu Mustafa was only his nickname. I never felt confident enough to ask his real name and he never shared it during all our years of contact.

In 2015, both NPR and the Wall Street Journal, my biggest clients at the time, invited me to visit Jerusalem. That meant I had to pass the Erez border crossing and meet Israeli security officials in person for the first time. I was very nervous as Israel, like Hamas and Gaza, was at the very center of my reporting. Just like Hamas, Israel had a say over my life and career. At that time, I had already lost several colleagues to Israeli fire in the 2014 war. I would go on to lose several more, including Yaser Murtaja, who got too near the border fence while pursuing a photograph during Gaza’s anti-Israel demonstrations in 2018. Yaser did not know he went too far; there were no signs or instructions warning him away. An Israeli sniper ended his life. In the current war, more than 100 Palestinian journalists have been killed, including Roshdi Sarraj, another colleague of mine and of Yaser Murtaja. So yes, Israel does have a say about the lives of journalists in Gaza and I had every right to fear for my life.

Hamas, too, has its own say on journalists’ lives, safety, and careers. In 2019, Palestinians took to the streets to protest the harsh economic conditions under its control. Hamas police cracked down on the protesters, and arrested and beat up the journalists covering the protests. As a journalist, I had no option but to report on the protests and on the Hamas assaults. It was just one more time when I had to put my life at risk for the sake of my reporting. I survived, but I couldn’t shake the stress for many weeks to follow. 

Back to my 2015 trip to Jerusalem through Erez crossing. While I was looking over my previous reporting to prepare myself for potential questions from the Israeli officers at the checkpoint, Abu Mustafa gave me a call. He had seen my name on a list of Gazans planning to cross Erez. He put me in touch with a nameless colleague whose job was to guide people like me, who were making the journey for the first time. That was one of the weirdest situations ever, to be guided by a Hamas security officer whom I did not know or trust and who did not know or trust me. I am the last person to seek advice from Hamas, and yet here he was, advising me on how to deal with the Israeli security, intelligence, and military officers.

I was shocked to learn that everything this nameless man said happened in exactly the way he described it. I was strip-searched by two Israeli officers, and brought into a room with a woman who appeared to be Palestinian who said she wanted to talk to me. On the advice of the nameless man, I told her I was tired. I was later interviewed by a bald Israeli officer, one of the two people Abu Mustafa’s colleague said would interview me. The officer showed me photos of people on his computer and asked me about who they were. The nameless man’s advice was: once you are asked about someone, that meant they knew you had a relationship with them, so don’t lie but give general answers.

In the end, I made it to Jerusalem and back unharmed. I felt thankful for his guidance but also stressed over how much these two fighting parties seemed to know about each other — and about me. Both had the tools to make my life miserable if they wanted, and I only had my press card, a helmet, and a vest — materials that needed Israeli approval to enter Gaza and Hamas permission to be used there.

Palestinians shelter in central Gaza’s Deir al-Balah, Abu Bakr Bashir’s hometown, as people continue to flee Rafah due to an Israeli ground operation, on May 12, 2024. (Reuters/Ramadan Abed)

When I lived in Gaza, I was worried about my life and my children’s future. Now in London, I worry about Gaza and the future of journalism there. In addition to those journalists who have been killed, dozens have fled; these losses are catastrophic to the journalistic profession there. Eight months into the war, I have so many questions: Who will guide the young journalists entering the profession? How objective can they be given the brutal conditions and lack of guidance? Will the world listen to them, let alone believe their narrative?  And at the end of this, will there be young men and women willing to go into journalism in Gaza? Who will tell Gaza’s story?

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Doja Daoud <![CDATA[Q&A: Journalist Shrouq Al Aila on what cameras can’t show about the war in Gaza]]> https://cpj.org/?p=389605 2024-05-24T19:03:19Z 2024-05-23T15:02:29Z Gaza journalists Shrouq Al Aila and Roshdi Sarraj were on a work trip in Saudi Arabia last fall when their home became a war zone. The married couple quickly returned to Gaza to report and to be with their community. But Sarraj, the founder of local production company Ain Media, would only manage to produce a few reports. On October 22, he was killed in an Israeli airstrike.

Al Aila, 29, quickly picked up where her husband left off and became the head of Ain Media covering the war and displacement of Gaza’s residents. The production company has suffered other losses; early in the war photographer Ibrahim Lafi was killed and Haitham Abdelwahid, also a photographer, went missing along with a close journalist friend, Nidal Al-Wahidi. Sarraj’s founding partner at Ain Media, Yaser Murtaja, was murdered by an Israeli sniper in 2018.

Al Aila spoke to CPJ from Rafah, in southern Gaza, where she was sheltering with her young daughter. Since the interview she moved to a tent in Deir al-Balah to escape Israel’s expanded offensive in Rafah, the family’s third displacement since the war began. The interview was conducted using WhatsApp voice notes; every time she paused in her narration, the sound of Israeli drones, what Gazans call the “zanana” (buzzing sound), was audible on the recordings.

The interview was lightly edited for length and clarity.

Can you describe the day your husband was killed?

It was a Sunday. We sat down to have breakfast at 11:00 a.m. Roshdi had an assignment to film the paramedics and their first aid operations. I told him that I was worried about this assignment, and that I didn’t want him to ride in the ambulance to film, because they were hitting the ambulances. He said, “Who will film if I don’t? Someone should deliver the message.”

Journalist Roshdi Sarraj was killed by an Israeli airstrike on October 22, 2023. (Photo: Courtesy of Shrouq Al Aila)

Roshdi was rushing his family to have breakfast that morning. His mom was telling him, “Have your breakfast and go to your assignment — we still have a lot to do before we can eat.” Roshdi is typically calm and chill, but he was agitated. He insisted: “We’ll have breakfast together.” So, we gathered around the table. I was picking up a piece of bread when an airstrike on a nearby building caused a big shockwave and the dining table moved from its place.

The nine of us went into the garden. I was holding Roshdi’s hand in one hand and in the other, I was carrying Dania, our 11-month-old daughter. My sister called, and yelled that Tal al-Hawa, a beach area nearby, was being hit extensively. Our house is in southwest Gaza City, close to the beach. The strikes were many, close, and ongoing.

Roshdi moved and stood in front of me and Dania, still holding my hand. I tried to move him next to me. Suddenly, everything turned gray. The first thing that came to my mind was that my blood sugar was low [and I must have been fainting] but then I started smelling the smell of a strike: the smell of concrete, rubble, and gunpowder.

I couldn’t see anything, but Roshdi wasn’t holding my hand anymore. I started waving my hand, searching, but I couldn’t see or feel Roshdi. At that moment I still didn’t understand that we were actually hit. For us, when you are hit, “khalas” [that’s it], it’s the end, you will die… But I was alive, standing in my place, and Dania and I hadn’t moved, even though the house was hit by two rockets.

When my view began to clear, I saw Roshdi. I touched him and held his hand to try to pull him up, but he fell down again. We carried Roshdi in front of the house. I could see a crack above his right eyebrow. It was about two centimeters [0.8 of an inch], and it was bleeding. I could see his brain convulsing. He was still alive and having difficulty breathing. People next to me were screaming and calling for help. I contained myself and called my brother, who is a doctor, and told him what happened. He said he was coming. The ambulances told us they couldn’t reach us because the whole area was under extensive bombardment. This is the moment when I lost it.

We put him on a soft blanket, carried him, and started walking under the consecutive strikes to the hospital. When we arrived at the hospital, carrying Dania, everyone was calling me. I was reading the Ya-Sin surah of the Quran. Roshdi’s father said “You’re a believer. Roshdi’s injury is critical. Pray for him.” I didn’t understand. I asked him “Did he die?” He answered “No, he is a martyr.” Roshdi needed an emergency operation with doctors who specialize in the brain and nerves. Such doctors weren’t available.

We buried Roshdi in an emergency graveyard. There were about 20 martyrs, and they wanted to bury him in one mass grave with everyone else. Some friends said no, we should separate him, but his father wanted to bury him like everyone else. They ended up just putting a board to separate him from the others. This is our “luxury” and the reality of our graves. He wasn’t buried like we usually honor the dead.

Now, I’m a widow, an orphan [because my parents died in my childhood], and raising an orphan. 

After your husband was killed, you stepped in to lead Ain Media. How are you able to work? 

Only four of our team members are able to work right now. The circumstances are dire. We are not superheroes, but when I think about our ability to deliver, I say that we are. All of Ain Media now depends on one camera. Can you imagine?

We can’t find equipment, so we tried buying it from people who don’t need it, but some, including journalists, are exploiting the situation and raising the prices. So if a mic costs usually US$400, it’s now US$1,000.

[Before we fled Rafah] we had recently moved to a house with solar panels were I could finally charge my devices myself. Before, we used to send our laptops and phones to a supermarket with solar panels that would charge the devices in exchange for U.S. dollars. It would take about four hours, so for at least four hours a day I was disconnected from the world.

There’s only one bank working but thousands are in line waiting, so you will never get your turn. We resorted to exchange facilities, who would retrieve your money for a 20% cut. Madness.

We now use the toktok [a three-wheel motorbike] and the caro [an animal-drawn carriage], but even finding that kind of transportation is a luxury. Sometimes we travel on foot, which is extremely tiring.

The internet is extremely bad. After the bombardment  of transmission towers, the connection became worse. We even tried to connect from the Egyptian side and some people tried connecting from the Israeli side, but it’s very difficult to upload content. This is the most difficult problem for us now. The clients needs their material. Now if you want to upload one gigabyte, it costs four dollars by people with internet who charge others to connect. If I shoot 100 gigabytes of material, which is the size of a documentary we produced for Al Jazeera, it costs US$400 just to upload it.

This is all lost money. You need extra money for equipment, to upload content, for transportation, and to charge your devices. This is the extra cost of media production in the war, and it’s really tiring.

What motivates you to continue amid the hardship?

What I feel for Ain Media is different. It is the place where I met Roshdi. It is the point of intersection and love. I know how much effort and time Roshdi put into it. Most of our conversations even at home were about Ain Media. I would never disappoint Roshdi and leave everything behind. This is what’s pushing me. I don’t know what will happen after the war, but now, Ain Media’s name should always be in the production. No one can comprehend how we’re doing it.

During the war, we’ve been producing content for multiple media outlets including Al Jazeera, the BBC, the French M6 channel, and other Swiss, Dutch, and Australian outlets like ABC. The work consists of news reports and documentaries. Long films about Gaza and the ongoing situation. There is other work for organizations like the World Health Organization.

All my tears, my thoughts, my dreams are on hold. I am just working now. I don’t have the luxury to break down or to grieve. I don’t have the time or the space. I don’t know what the next minute brings, if I will live or die, so I can’t even think about the future. In the war, you reach a state where you feel like every second could be your last.

I have no doubt in my ability to lead Ain Media, and the proof is our ability to do some work during the worst kind of conditions during the ongoing war. I am proud of the team.

[In the future] Ain Media will be doing more work outside Gaza, and we will most probably have a branch in another country. We will have trips to other countries to shoot episodes and do work. It was our dream, and I want to make it happen.

How much of the media coverage reflects the reality on the ground?

Something that the camera or the video can’t show is the smell of the rubble. Since Roshdi was martyred, I’ve been associating the smell of the rubble, the gunpowder, the concrete, and the dust, with death. Every time I pass by a newly destroyed house, I go back to the first hit, and to the biggest loss. This is something we can never reflect in our reporting. The audience will never know how it smells or what the bodies smell like. Many people are still under the rubble and the civil defense isn’t able to retrieve all the bodies because they don’t have the infrastructure for it, like trucks, or the fuel for these trucks to work. Their priority is the people who are still alive or the areas they can actually reach.

Sometimes I feel like this is all for nothing. I take a picture of something and I look at the real scene in front of me and I feel like 70% of the immensity, the magnitude, and harshness of the scene aren’t reflected in the photo or in the video. So sometimes I say, “No one will ever feel what’s going on but us.” And I wish that no one would have to endure what we have been through — this endless nightmare. What suffocates me as a journalist and makes me relive the sorrow is this smell, especially because I’m a survivor of an airstrike and I was picked up from the rubble myself. You become gray — everything is gray, your face, your body, your clothes, the environment around you. Everything. And the thing that bothers me the most is that my daughter Dania was also gray when she was pulled from the rubble.

What is your message to the world?

My message to the journalism community is: We as journalists talked about everything. We filmed everything. It is now time for foreign correspondents to come and cover the war. We don’t have any more words. There’s nothing left to say or film. You can watch everything on your screen and still, nobody acted. It’s like we’re down a well screaming and we only hear the echo. We need foreigners to come and report, maybe they have something to say, maybe someone will believe them, but we are tired and exhausted, and we have done everything in our power to tell the story.

More than 100 journalists were killed in this war. It’s such a shame that journalists were targeted. Where is the freedom of journalism? Where are the press protection groups? Where is international law? As journalists, we are tired, and disappointed.

[Editor’s note: In response to CPJ’s request for comment on Roshdi’s killing emailed from Europe, the Israel Defense Forces’ North America desk said: “The IDF takes all operationally feasible measures to mitigate harm to civilians including journalists. The IDF has never, and will never, deliberately target journalists. Given the ongoing exchanges of fire, remaining in an active combat zone has inherent risks. The IDF will continue to counter threats while persisting to mitigate harm to civilians.” To date, CPJ has determined that at least three journalists were directly targeted by Israeli forces in killings which CPJ classifies as murders and is researching 10 other cases that indicate possible targeting.]

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Attila Mong <![CDATA[In Serbia, a ‘witch-hunt’ for journalists who don’t toe government line]]> https://cpj.org/?p=385838 2024-05-09T16:36:25Z 2024-05-09T16:36:24Z “A real epidemic of attacks.” That’s the way Serbian journalist, advocate, and professor Dinko Gruhonjić characterized the state of press freedom in his country in a recent op-ed for the media-focused news site Cenzolovka. Gruhonjić faced severe online harassment after a doctored video in which he appears to praise a war criminal was circulated online in March.

Serbian journalists and press freedom advocates have pointed to a concerning deterioration in the media’s ability to report without fear of reprisal under the country’s populist president, Aleksandar Vučić, who scored a sweeping parliamentary victory last December. Critical journalists feel targeted, sometimes in orchestrated campaigns by Vučić supporters, politicians, public officials, and pro-government media. 

To better understand the precarious situation for the Serbian press, CPJ spoke with eight  journalists and advocates, some of whom have left the country out of fear for their safety. Here’s what CPJ found:

Since January, an increase in attacks against journalists

In the first four months of 2024, the Independent Journalists Association of Serbia (IJAS), recorded around 50 incidents of threats and physical attacks against the press, 17 of which it classified as “serious.” In previous years, the group said, it recorded 20 to 30 serious attacks over the course of an entire year.  

The incidents range from protesters insulting reporters covering a demonstration in March, to a security guard forcibly removing a reporter from a local municipal council meeting, to a journalist receiving death threats while investigating a local business project. Individual journalists and entire newsrooms have been the subject of insults, smears, and threats of physical attacks and death made via email and social media.

CPJ was unable to independently confirm each attack, but local journalists say the IJAS documentation reflects the overall atmosphere of declining media freedom under Vučić.

Journalists turned into ‘public enemies’

Vučić is often accused by critics of following in the footsteps of neighboring Hungary’s Viktor Orbán in attempting to build an authoritarian state with total control of the media, where critical news outlets are marginalized, discredited, and attacked with smear campaigns by pro-government tabloids or anonymous online trolls.

In part thanks to Vučić’s grip on media, his party triumphed against a coalition of pro-Western opposition forces formed after two deadly mass shootings and which campaigned against the general culture of violence spilling over from political discourse into real life.

The election victory has seemingly emboldened the president’s supporters to increase their attacks on independent journalists. Ana Lalić Hegediš, a reporter for news site Nova.rs and president of the Independent Association of Journalists of Vojvodina, a regional trade group in the autonomous northern province, said there is a “witch hunt” against journalists,  one which “serves as a distraction for the public” ahead of the June municipal elections.

The attacks, say journalists and experts, are not only because of what journalists report but because of who they are. “Government representatives treat them as political opponents for being journalists who report in a balanced way and ask inconvenient questions,” Veran Matić, a 1993 recipient of CPJ’s International Press Freedom Award and a member of Serbia’s Working Group for the Security and Protection of Journalists, told CPJ in an email. The working group, comprised of public prosecutors, police, and journalists, aims to fast-track investigations and prosecutions of attacks on the press.

(CPJ sent questions about attacks on the press to the press department of the president’s office in an email but received no reply.)

Journalists are attacked in orchestrated campaigns

Lalić Hegediš told CPJ that a “coordinated campaign” started against her in March after she criticized, in a panel discussion, the construction of “yet another new Orthodox church” as part of a Serbian nationalist drive in Vojvodina. She said that right after her talk “pro-government tabloids maliciously paraphrased my words saying I advocate the destruction of Serbian churches,” and then “an army of bots” started a bullying campaign on social media with threats and insults and published her phone number. Ruling party politicians commented on her case on TV and in parliament, which triggered a new and ongoing wave of attacks. One person has since been arrested.

According to Matić, such campaigns are “partly organized” by pro-government media and politicians, but then are “joined by a wider spectrum of those who are not organized, but just take advantage of the opportunity.” According to a recent survey conducted by IJAS and the University of Novi Sad, one out of three Serbian journalists say they were verbally threatened in 2023. Additionally, 13% of journalists said they received threats from public officials, and 14% said they were threatened by supporters of political parties.

Many journalists are afraid for their safety

Journalists who spoke with CPJ say they feel vulnerable, with female journalists, who often face gender-based attacks, outlining extra risks. Speaking to nonprofit U.S. media institute Poynter in 2022, Lalić Hegediš said that government attacks on women, who play a leading role in investigative journalism in Serbia, are a way for politicians to humiliate female journalists who have risen in a male-dominated profession.

But harassment affects journalists across genders, and its victims, which also include people living in remote areas, describe a difficult emotional load. “It’s hard to deal mentally with this level of daily harassment — with blackmail, threats, stalking, or even unknown people desecrating my mother’s tomb,” said one journalist, who spoke to CPJ via email on the condition of anonymity due to fear for their safety.

Another local reporter who also spoke to CPJ on the condition of anonymity said in an email that they decided recently to stop covering local issues due to threats, including death threats, they received after investigating local corruption. “I live in a small settlement where I am completely exposed so I needed to relocate to protect my family,” said the reporter. Several journalists CPJ spoke with have relocated within Serbia and others, like Lalić Hegediš, have temporarily moved out of the country.

Authorities are not doing enough to protect journalists

Several people CPJ interviewed mentioned that the impunity in high-profile journalist murder cases, like that of Slavko Ćuruvija, have contributed to a toxic atmosphere in which journalists are seen as legitimate targets.

Slavko Ćuruvija was killed in 1999. (Photo: Reuters)

Ćuruvija was shot dead on April 11, 1999, in what appeared to be a professional murder at outside his home near the Yugoslav Parliament in the capital of Belgrade. In February 2024, a court overturned the convictions of all four men charged with his murder and acquitted them in a final verdict that cannot be appealed. The acquittal “carries the message that violence in Serbia is officially legalized and that the murder of journalists is not a punishable offense,” said Lalić Hegediš.

Authorities will not protect “journalists who report on the truth that does not suit the government. Authorities do not care about attacks against journalists like me,” the reporter who relocated due to safety concerns told CPJ. The IJAS and University of Novi Sad survey showed that 90% of journalists think that authorities have inadequately responded to threats against the press.

In interviews with CPJ, journalists said they wanted authorities to not only verbally condemn violence but to more forcefully investigate threats and violence, to prosecute the killers of journalists, and to provide police protection when necessary.

Matić said that there is one positive development as prosecutors appear less likely to reject journalists’ cases in recent years. But he said that until politicians at the highest level stop threatening journalists, progress will remain elusive. “Threats and violence are condemned in principle,” he told CPJ, “but often those who are threatened are the target of criticism and name-calling and targeting by representatives of the current government and parliament.”

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CPJ Staff <![CDATA[Why impact of Israel-Gaza war has become harder to document]]> https://cpj.org/?p=385078 2024-05-07T18:28:25Z 2024-05-06T17:25:14Z Israel’s surprise attack on Al-Shifa hospital in northern Gaza on March 18, and the two weeks of fighting that followed, resulted in hundreds of deaths and a trail of destruction. It also left a morass of contradictory information about exactly who was killed there, who was arrested, and who went missing.  

As the Israel-Gaza war enters its eighth month, the verification of such information has slowed to a crawl. An unprecedented number of deaths, with more than 90 Palestinian journalists killed by Israeli forces since the start of the war, displacement, and censorship are all making it exponentially harder to confirm information about the conflict’s devastating impact on Gaza’s media community – and, by extension, about the broader impact of the war.

“At the start of the war it would take us a day or two to verify information about a journalist who had been killed or injured,” said CPJ Program Director Carlos Martínez de la Serna. “Collecting and vetting this information is now taking us weeks or months, and in some cases won’t be possible at all.”

More than six weeks after the Al-Shifa hospital attack, CPJ is still working to verify what happened to four people on the site who may have been journalists. Were they killed, did they go missing, or were they detained in the raid, and were they working as journalists at the time? Efforts to glean accurate information about these four have been obstructed by a communications blackout, conflicting accounts, and the near-total destruction of the Al-Shifa site, where evidence may be destroyed or buried under the rubble.

One effect of this uncertainty is that the names of these journalists are not yet included in CPJ’s reports about other journalists held in the Al-Shifa attack – a stark illustration that the true casualty count may be much higher, and may not be known for months or even years.

These constraints have become the norm in Gaza and, as the number of media workers in the region dwindles, pose fresh challenges to CPJ’s real-time documentation of the war’s toll on journalists.

“Every bit of information we cannot access means the world loses more of its ability to understand what is happening in the war, how it has affected journalists and media workers, and who is specifically accountable,” said Mohamed Mandour, a researcher on the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) program.

Devastating loss of local sources

The decimation and displacement of Gaza’s media community, which was estimated to number at least 1,000 before the war, means that there are fewer and fewer local journalists left to provide details about the fate of their colleagues. As of May 6, at least 97 journalists and media workers had been killed in Gaza, Lebanon, and Israel since October 7, 2023, the vast majority (92) Palestinians killed in Israeli strikes. Others have been injured, fled into exile, and had their offices destroyed

Those who died may have been directly targeted or victims of a broader attack, but with whole families killed in many instances, there are fewer survivors to provide information about the circumstances of a relative’s death. To date, CPJ has determined that at least three journalists were directly targeted by Israeli forces in killings which CPJ classifies as murders, but is still researching the details for confirmation in 10 other cases that indicate possible targeting. 

More Israel-Gaza war coverage

CPJ has been documenting the impact of the war’s impact on journalists since it began October 7, 2023, when Hamas launched an unprecedented surprise attack against Israel, which responded by declaring war on Hamas and launching airstrikes and a ground assault on Gaza. CPJ has also offered safety guides on war reporting, psychological safety, and advice for journalists arrested or detained. 

* List of journalist casualties
* 2023 report: War brings journalist killings to devastating high
* Palestinian journalists detained by Israel in record numbers
* Methodology
* Full coverage

“Imagine the amount of information we could have had if nearly 100 journalists had not been killed,” Mandour said. “Many journalists have also fled Gaza, some in urgent need of medical care that is not available, especially after the attacks on hospitals. Others fled to avoid being killed or injured, as there is no longer a safe space for journalists in Gaza, not even hospitals.”

The overall scale of loss has made it harder for journalists to get the information they need to convey the full impact of the war. 

Diaa Al-Kahlout, the Gaza bureau chief for Al-Araby Al-Jadeed, who recently told CPJ that he was tortured during 33 days in Israeli detention, said that the outside world “sees only 10% of the actual reality” in Gaza. “I used to be able to get all the news, and today, many significant stories haven’t been covered,” he said.

Diaa Al-Kahlout, Gaza bureau chief for Al-Araby Al-Jadeed, recently told CPJ that he was tortured during 33 days in Israeli detention. (Photo: Courtesy of Diaa Al-Kahlout)

In addition to journalists and their families, others who could have provided information about the situation for journalists are now dead, displaced, or injured. One of those injured and now in exile is Abdullah Al-Hajj, a photographer for the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA), who provided crucial drone imagery of war damage before he was severely injured in a February Israeli strike in which he lost both legs. Al-Hajj was being treated in Al-Shifa hospital when Israel raided it in March, but survived and was later evacuated to Qatar.

More than 34,000 Palestinians are estimated to have been killed in the war, and an April 28 Wall Street Journal report notes that Gaza health authorities – a primary source of casualty data for institutions like the U.N. – say they can no longer provide an accurate count of the dead. 

Precarious living conditions

Another factor hampering access to information is that overstretched Gaza journalists are drained by the same dire shortages as other residents, struggling to find food, equipment, protective gear, and safe places to stay. “They are busy trying to save their own lives,” said Mandour.

“The day-to-day includes a lot of uncertainty and unpredictability,” Hoda Osman, executive editor of Arab Reporters for Investigative Journalism (ARIJ), told CPJ recently. “They have a home today, they might not have a home tomorrow. They have their family members with them today, they might lose them tomorrow. They themselves are alive today, they might be injured or killed tomorrow.”

Absence of foreign journalists

The near-total ban on international journalists allowed in Gaza further complicates the situation. In most conflicts, a rotating international press corps provides additional coverage and can help assist in documentation of threats to journalists.

Before the war, many foreign press outlets had offices in Gaza, but those bureaus have been unable to operate effectively after many were damaged during Israeli attacks. Those hit included the building housing international news agency Agence France-Presse, which had been streaming live images of the war from a camera at the top of the building.

Despite more than 4,000 international journalists coming to Israel to cover the war, the High Court in Israel upheld the IDF’s decision to prevent almost all foreign media from Gaza. The only exceptions are a handful of tightly controlled army-led press tours. 

“With so many Palestinian journalists killed, in exile, or physically and psychologically depleted after months of reporting and living in a conflict zone, and no international media present within Gaza either, the process of finding credible sources to verify the facts on the ground has become increasingly difficult,” CPJ MENA Representative Doja Daoud said.

For CPJ, this dearth of sources means that it is taking longer to investigate whether a victim meets the organization’s criteria for classification as a journalist and to ensure that CPJ researchers have more than one source confirming details of a situation involving members of the media.

“We are trying to preserve the history of what’s happening to the journalists themselves and the increasingly difficult situation they are in,” said Daoud. “And we want to be fair to everyone who is a journalist or media worker by not adding anyone to the list who should not be there or by skipping anyone. Even if we must work more slowly, it is worth the wait.”

Communications breakdowns

Frequent communications blackouts and destruction of media equipment are further disrupting efforts to gather information about the war. CPJ researchers say that calls that do get through are plagued with background noise from constant drone flyovers, and voice messages can get lost in often-unreliable internet connections. Journalists’ vehicles, computers, phones, cameras, and other gear also have been destroyed in attacks. “At the start of the war, it was easy to call anyone in Gaza and hear back from them immediately. Now you are not sure when or if you’ll get a response,” Mandour said. “The drone attack on Al-Aqsa Martyrs Hospital was less damaging than at Al-Shifa, but many journalists still lost their phones and laptops so their ability to communicate was gone.”

Deteriorating due process

In the case of journalist arrests – most of which have happened in the Israeli-occupied West Bank – “we are finding it difficult to document arrests because even the lawyers for the journalists’ families don’t have access to the details,” said Ignacio Delgado Culebras, a consultant for CPJ’s MENA team. “Due process is failing because authorities can use administrative detention laws to put people behind bars without charging them or publicly disclosing evidence. It’s only over time we find out where they are held or whether there are any charges filed.” 

In one of the cases CPJ is investigating, freelance journalist Hamza al-Safi was arrested in February, but his wife still doesn’t know the reason for his arrest or the charges he is facing. Al-Safi, who contributes to the Hamas-affiliated Quds News Network, the news website Al-Jarmaq News, and other outlets, was arrested at his house in the West Bank on February 9, according to news reports and his wife.

Israel’s use of administrative detention, a practice in place before the onset of the war, has long been condemned by human rights groups and U.N. experts.

Fear of retribution in multiple regions, perceptions of indifference

Many sources are increasingly afraid to speak out. “People don’t want to be killed, attacked, or imprisoned by the authorities for echoing critical voices” whether those authorities are Hamas or Israel, Daoud said. 

Daoud noted that this fear transcends borders as journalists in Israel, Lebanon, Jordan, and Egypt have all faced violence and censorship during the war: 

  • Israel raided and closed the Jerusalem office of Al-Jazeera after the Israeli cabinet voted on May 5 to shut down the broadcasts of the Qatar-based channel in Israel under a law that could also restrict other international outlets working in Israel if they are deemed to be a threat to the country’s security. Israeli journalists have said they fear expressing views critical of their country’s actions in the war. Some have been attacked by Israeli citizens while covering events. Military officials have also voiced concerns about government efforts to stifle reporting. 
  • In Lebanon, at least five journalists, who spoke to CPJ anonymously for fear of retribution, said they had been detained in the country while trying to document the war in the south. Others have faced online threats and investigations for being critical of the war.
  • In Jordan, journalists have been detained for reporting on the protests in front of the Israeli embassy in Amman. Charges of “impersonating a journalist” are being brought against journalists who aren’t members of the government-approved Press Syndicate. (Most practicing journalists are not in the syndicate.) Many journalists also tell CPJ they are facing threats but do not want to report them publicly.
  • Egypt has banned international and Egyptian journalists from entering Gaza through the Rafah border crossing. Additionally, when one of the few independent media outlets in Egypt, Mada Masr, reported on the effect of the Israel-Gaza war in Egypt, the Egyptian authorities banned Mada Masr’s website for six months and referred its editor-in-chief for prosecution.

Perceptions of global indifference are also making people more cautious in providing information. “In the beginning of the war people were interested in exposing actions against journalists,” Mandour said. “Now everyone knows the international community has been ineffective in stopping media arrests and violence. They wonder why they should speak out if they are not getting any protection.”

CPJ’s road to accountability

CPJ believes that the decline in reporting – along with the war’s impact on the media – will continue if Israel is able to continue attacking and imprisoning journalists without consequence. “Deadly Pattern,” a CPJ investigation published in May 2023, found that Israel did not charge any soldiers for 20 journalist killings in over 22 years. 

This pattern of impunity may be repeated in the current war, where it could become a playbook for repressive behavior in the Israel-Gaza region and elsewhere – endangering journalists and suppressing information needed to hold accountable those who kill, attack and imprison them for their work. 

To help curb the threats to journalists and press for more information attacks against them, CPJ continues to conduct methodical research and to press both regional and global authorities to act on journalists’ behalf. Said Daoud: “We are keeping in mind that the road to accountability, to justice, to all of these court hearings and rulings and lawsuits is through our accurate documentation.”

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Doja Daoud <![CDATA[Iraqi Kurdish journalist Guhdar Zebari is free from prison, but not from threats]]> https://cpj.org/?p=383573 2024-05-02T11:57:32Z 2024-04-30T19:56:13Z On February 17, 2024, Iraqi Kurdish journalist Guhdar Zebari was released from prison, concluding a three-and-a-half year legal saga that saw him convicted on anti-state and other charges in retaliation for his work.

Zebari is one of the so-called “Badinan prisoners” – a group of journalists and activists from the ethnic Badinani group who were arrested in the wake of 2020 anti-government protests and tried in court processes that observers called flawed and politically motivated. Two of these journalists, Sherwan Sherwani and Qaraman Shukri, are still in prison. Together, they have become icons of the freedom of expression movement in Iraqi Kurdistan after their imprisonment sparked international outrage.

In an interview with CPJ after his release, Zebari described the charges he faced, his experience in detention, and the state of press freedom in Iraqi Kurdistan. 

CPJ did not receive responses to its requests for comment on Zebari’s case from Dindar Zebari, the Kurdistan Regional Government coordinator of international advocacy, Erbil Asayish spokesperson Ashti Majeed, and Mahmood Mohammed, spokesperson of the Kurdistan Democratic Party.

This interview has been lightly edited for length and clarity.

You were arrested in connection with your work, yet Iraqi Kurdish authorities have said multiple times that your case is not journalism related. What is your response to that?

At the time of my arrest, I was preparing an investigative report about migration of young people from the Shiladze district in Duhok governorate. This investigation followed a four-day training course organized by the German consulate in Sulaymaniyah city. Upon my return, security forces raided my sister’s house and arrested me while I was working on the report.

The accounts presented during the investigations, in court, and in the media were inconsistent. They attempted to conceal the true nature of the case and convince the public that our arrests were not related to journalism. This was because they couldn’t legally arrest us under press laws, which only entail fines and not arrests. Their motive was retaliation, hence they fabricated accusations to justify imprisoning us.

When [Prime Minister] Masrour Barzani labeled us as spies posing a threat to national security before the trial, those who supported him were instructed to assert that we were spies, not journalists. Masrour Barzani was willing to sacrifice everything, including the integrity of the courts and security agencies, to support this plot. The government and its security agencies were complicit in this scheme. But within the government, there were dissenting voices. The president of the region, Nechirvan Barzani, disagreed with these measures [and in 2022 reduced their sentences by 60%].

Your trial on anti-state charges was built on flimsy and circumstantial evidence, and you lacked proper access to a lawyer. Can you talk about the difficulties in the legal process?

During investigations, we were forced to unlock our phones, and we were blindfolded the whole time. We couldn’t see anything about our case. They didn’t tell us what charges we were facing; they just wanted to know who was giving us information. But you know, journalists aren’t supposed to reveal their sources. The investigators were always angry, and whenever I requested a lawyer, they would laugh mockingly. They’d say, “Who do you think you are, asking for a lawyer? Do you really believe any lawyer can assist you?”

We only got permission to call our family after 11 months. Even then, we were only allowed to call once every 15 days, for just two minutes. They listened in on the calls, so we couldn’t discuss our case, charges, or even our health. This made it impossible for us to defend ourselves.

One time, I tried to tell my father over the phone that we had been sentenced to six years for writing about and defending our people’s rights, and that we were fighting for justice. They [prison authorities] immediately ended the call and punished me by putting me in solitary confinement for 16 days.

In a democratic country, authorities gather evidence before arresting people. But in our case, they arrested us first and then searched our phones and personal files to find evidence. They claim they are the law, the homeland, the nation, and everything. If you criticize this system, they say you’re against the country, the law, and the court.

We were only criticizing certain people in the government, not the whole region. Many people supported us, and even in prison, some people from [the ruling] Kurdish Democratic Party sent messages to me and my family. That shows we’re not a threat to national security; we were just criticizing one government and one person. But they act like they represent the whole nation. All the political parties supported us, except for one person who was the prime minister. That shows it’s all personal.

How were you treated in prison?

In the beginning, I spent 62 days in solitary confinement, and it was the worst time of my life. Even when we were taken to the bathroom, they covered our heads with towels so we couldn’t see anything. The whole situation was filled with fear and panic.

After that, I was moved to a small cell measuring six meters [19.7 feet] in length and 4.5 meters [14.8 feet] in width, where there were 150 people, sometimes even more. It was overcrowded, making it difficult to breathe or sleep, especially with so many smokers around.

After December 2021, I was transferred to the correctional facility in Erbil, which was better, but still involved a lot of psychological torture. We [Zebari and Sherwani] weren’t allowed to read, and that rule was only for us.

Sherwan endured further mistreatment when he was penalized for a common practice in the Kurdistan Region: signing on behalf of friends. Qaraman Shukri has also suffered undue punishment. I urge Kurdistan President Nechirvan Barzani to grant a pardon and rectify this strategic error.

[Editor’s note: Sherwani was accused of falsely signing Zebari‘s name on a petition submitted by several prisoners in August 2022; Sherwani’s lawyer said that Zebari, who was in solitary confinement at the time, had given Sherwani permission to sign.] 

What has life been like since your release?

Every night since my release, my family has been receiving threatening calls from known and unknown individuals. These individuals assert that I am “outspoken and critical” in my public speeches. They urge my family to persuade me to refrain from speaking against the government and the Kurdistan Democratic Party.

Guhdar Zebari receives guests after his release from prison in February 2024. (Photo: Shahnaz Zebari)

On the first day of my release… I had held a press conference during which I strongly criticized Masrour Barzani, labeled the government’s behavior as “extreme authoritarianism,” and asserted that [my town] Akre is under the control of KDP [Barzani’s Kurdish Democratic Party]. A friend informed me that the security agency conducted a meeting to address my statements. The agency head instructed his team to draw a clear “red line” for Guhdar.

I didn’t take the threat seriously, but later my cousins informed me that the head of Asayish [the Kurdish government security force] in Akre said that my speech was too harsh and I would have to pay a price. I am living now in one of the villages around Akre city. My father received phone calls from the village’s mukhtar [local chief] who relayed a message from Reza Zebari, head of the Zebari tribe, saying “Don’t speak like this, don’t go out, don’t talk to any other channels, just be quiet.”

Here in Iraqi Kurdistan, there’s no guarantee for our safety. I face constant threats and live with uncertainty. I don’t know if I’ll be here tomorrow or not. This is the reality for journalists in Kurdistan. It’s like walking on a minefield, where danger can explode at any moment.

How is your health?

Physically, I’m in good health; however, psychologically, I feel disoriented and unstable. My time in Asayish prison left me in a dire state, isolated from the outside world.

Now that you are out of prison, will you continue your journalism?

It’s too early to make concrete plans, but yes, I intend to continue with journalism. I have ambitious goals to advocate for human rights and journalists’ rights. My aim is to report on news that impacts people. I want to establish an effective media outlet in the Badinan area [an area of Iraqi Kurdistan where the ethnic Badinani group is from, known officially as Duhok] and I have submitted my proposal to some people and parties who can be potentially funders of the project, to be able to work freely and professionally. I have some positive responses, and I urge international organizations to back my project aiming at promoting press freedom in the Badinan area in Iraqi Kurdistan to push our government to follow real democracy, not fake promises. It’s frustrating because they [the government] say they support democracy, freedom of the press, and human rights in public, but behind closed doors, they don’t take those issues seriously.

Since I just got out of prison, I need time to think about what to do. I don’t want to leave my country or stop being a journalist. I want to keep reporting and improve myself so I can help my colleagues who are still in prison.

Iraqi Kurdistan was long perceived as a safe haven for journalists. But in recent years, CPJ has documented numerous press freedom violations. How would you rank press freedom there now?

Iraqi Kurdistan is not a safe place for journalists. The courageous ones who report the truth always face threats. For example, Sherwan Sherwani has been an editor for many magazines since 2004, including a well-known one in Kurmanji. He’s received numerous threats and has been arrested multiple times because of his work.

One important point I want to emphasize is the difference between real journalists and those who work for government-affiliated media outlets. In my opinion, simply reporting positive government achievements isn’t journalism; real journalism involves uncovering what they [authorities] are hiding and bringing it to light.

Any other message you want to relay after your release?

To the world, I want to say that your support keeps us going. We rely on your support, and people often ask us why we keep going. It’s because we depend on your support, so please continue to stand with us.

Additional reporting by Soran Rashid.

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